XXXIX Now it appears from many passages of Bar Hebraeus' works that the philosophers and the teachers of the church are considered by him as inferior to the prophets and the true mystics. The latter possess knowledge founded on revelations and this knowledge is of a prophetic nature '). Within the mystic stages however the Initiated are contrasted in numerous passages with the novices Kicvix., just as the ^jjk. is contrasted with the Ju^.. Isaac of Ninive acknowledges a stage which lies between the two 2). It is in concordance with the term r«ilèvs*.G.T., that the Knowwhole mystic system is called that of K&CuèWo**, of Gnosis. le ge In the Ethikon the education of the novices is treated. They are admonished to be anxious about the higher knowledge which by its possessors is called Gnosis s). And in the Book of the Dove the writings of the mystics are called books of Gnosis4). The term is also used by Isaac of Ninive 3). I have already said, that the term Gnosis, though undoubtedly betraying the spiritual ties of mysticism with gnosticism, does not give us a right to identify the mystic system with any of' the gnostic ones. It is not the aim of the mystics to acquire knowledge of things which interested the gnostics; neither the origin of the world, nor astrology are mentioned a single time in the literature we are dealing with as desirable goods. We have already seen that Ghazalï and Bar Hebraeus distinguish two valuable kinds of knowledge: practical and speculative knowledge. The former deals with the practice of man in his relation to God or with ethical behaviour, the latter with knowledge of what is true and false or with insight into the spiritual world. When the system is called a system of Gnosis, this term is applied only to the latter sort of i) Sentence 50; 51. 2) p. 121 sq. 3) p. 320: rVcScuoS.SÉ.ox» ca*Hsa ^na róY^ta »cn.i K'cVv^.'Vi.i K'ArC' 4) P- 55»- 5) P- 483- XL knowledge: its object is chiefly knowledge of God. In the Ethikon an example of prayer typical for the mystics is mentioned : Maker of all and Founder of all, Thou that superatest all by Thy great power, tie the mouth of the Rebellious one '), that he, the reprehensible, may not speak with the souls of Thy 'servants against Thee and against Thy servants. And elevate their mind unto the place of knowledge, where the winds of doubt do not blow 2). And in sentence 79 Bar Hebraeus confesses that light has not yet dawned for him; then he formulates his mystical aim in this way: And I desire and beseech, that somewhat of the true light óf the Beautiful one may dawn for me; in order that I may no longer adore Him that I know not, but Him, that I know in Spirit and Truth. And in the Book of the Dove, in the section on the delight of knowledge3), the author declares that the knowledge of God is a delight greater than any other delight. In the corresponding section of the Ethikon he says that by the delight of this knowledge, God has made man the equal of the Angels 4). And Ibn 'Ata'allah calls the knowledge of God the utmost aim of the mystic 5). Here again the consanguinity between the Hellenistic religions and mysticism is evident. According to Reitzenstein in the former the aim is everywhere yvüvxt beév °). And he cites: tovto (a.óvov o-ocTviptov r<éa-W:i eo*xv.."w.i BAR HEBRAEUS's BOOK OF THE DOVE TOGETHER WITH SOME CHAPTERS FROM HIS ETHIKON TRANSLATED BY A. J. WENSINCK WITH AN 1NTRODUCTXON, NOTES AND REGISTERS PRINTED FOR THE TRUSTEES OF THE „DE GOEJE FUND" N°. IV LEYDEN — E. J. BRILL 1919 OP Printed by E. j. BRILL, Leyden. CONTENTS PREF ACE Py' CONTENTS vu REFERENCES xi INTRODUCTION. xm Bar Hebraeus and Ghazsli cxi THE BOOK OF THE DOVE r Introduction 2 Chapter I. On the bodily service in the monastery 5 Section I. On man's alienation from the world. . . . v 5 Section II. On repentance 6 Section III. On renunciation. . 7 Section IV. On humbleness 8 Section V. On patience g Section VI. On the love of the brethren 10 Section VII. On the offences of the tongue 11 Section VIII. On the novice's turning backwards 15 Section IX. On directing the novice in his course .... 16 Section X. On the tokens of [good] direction 18 Chapter II. On the psychic service which is accompli shed in the cell 19 Section I. On the duties of the cell 19 Section II. On solitude 20 Section III. On fourfold asceticism: prayer, invocation, recitation, meditation 22 Section IV. On ritual prayer and the division of times.. . 23 Section V. On the reciting of Psalms and vigils 25 Section VI. On fasting 27 Section VII. On manual work 28 Section VIII. On abiding abroad 30 Section IX. On evil passions 32 Section X. On good qualities 40 VIII Page Chapter III. On the spiritual rest ofthe perfect . . 46 Section I. On the beginning of the inclinations of perfection 46 Section II. On the progress of the inclinations of perfection 47 Section III. On the conclusive inclinations of perfection . 48 Section IV. On the unification of the mind 49 Section V. On the causes of love 51 Section VI. On the delight of knowledge 52 Section VII. On the augmentation of the love of God . . 53 Section VIII. On the knowledge of God 54 Section IX. On the varying states the perfect have to go through 56 Section X. On the fall of the perfect 58 Chapter IV. A tale of the author's progress in teachings and some sentences commu- nicated to him in revelations 60 ETHIKON, Book IV, Chapter XV. OntheloveofGod. 85 Section I. Sayings of the fathers concerning the love unto God 85 Section II. The definition of love, its divisions and its causes. Section III. On the love of God as being justified in view 87 of all causes mentioned 89 Section IV. On the delight of the knowledge of God being greater than any other delight ....... 91 Section V. On the delight of the knowledge of God which happens after rather than before departure . . 93 Section VI. On the causes corroborating the love of God. 94 Section VII. On the dinerent ranks of those who love God. 96 Section VIII. Why the creatures do not know the Creator. 97 Section IX. On the manners in which the soul longs after God. 99 Section X. On the distinctive marks of those who love God. 100 Section XI. On consolation in God and freedom of speech with Him 103 Section XII. On the troubles the Initiated bear through the love of God 105 Section XIII. On the stages of the Initiated concerning their love 107 Section XIV. On the varying states the perfect have to go through II0 Section XV. A collection of scattered sayings concerning love. 113 IX Page Book I, Chapter V. Onmusic. . . ■ 118 Section I. On the views of those solitaries who reject music. 118 Section II. On the worldly view of those who, alohg with music, also declare musical instruments and dance allowed 120 Section III. On the true view of those who declare music partly allowed partly forbidden 121 Section IV. Since when and by whom singing has been introduced into the Syriac church . . T . . . 124 Section V. On the causes through which music has been introduced into the church 125 Section VI. On the cause of the delight springing from music. 126 Section VII. On the natural foundation of music 127 Section VIII. On the ranks of intelligence concerning the reciting of Psalms and their sentences .... 129 Section IX. On the influence of music on the souls ... 132 LIST of technical terms in Syriac, Arabic and Greek 135 GENERAL REGISTER 143 CORRIGENDA. . . I52 REFERENCES Abü Talib al-Makki, Knt al-Kulüb (Kairo 1310). Basilius, Opera omnia, ed. Garnier (Paris 1722). A. Dieterich, Eine Mithrasliturgie2 (Leipzig and Berlin 1910). Pionysius Areopagita, Opera omnia, ed. Lansselius (Paris 1615). Euagrius Ponticus, ed. Frankenberg in Abhandlungen der kgl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, phil.-hist. Klasse, Neue Folge, Bnd. XIII, n° 2. Euagrius, Nonnenspiegel und Mönchsspiegel, ed. Gressmann in Texte und Untersuchungen hgg. von Harnack und Schmidt III, 9, 4. A. L. Frothingham, Stephen bar Sudaili (Leiden 1886). Ghazalï, Ihya' 'Ulüm al-Dïn (Kairo 1282). Ghazalï, al-Munkidh min al-Dalai, ed. Schmölders (Paris 1842). Ibn al-'Arabï, Kunh ma la budda minhu li '1-murïd (Kairo 1328). Ibn 'Ata'allah, Hikam with al-Rondï's commentary (Kairo 1310). Isaac of Ninive, De perfectione religiosa, ed. Bedjan (Paris 1909). Jamblichus, Vita Pythagorae, ed. Kuster (Amsterdam 1707). Jamblichus, De mysteriis, ed. Parthey (Berlin 1857). Jehuda Chasid, Sefer Chasidim (Cracov 1581). Johannes Climacus, Opera omnia, ed. Raderus (Paris 1633). Kushairï, al-Risala fi'l-tasawwuf (Kairo 1287). Plotinus, Enneades cum Marsilii Ficini interpretatione castigata iterum ediderunt Frid. Creuzer et Georg Henricus Moser (Paris 1855). Pofphyrius, Ad Marcellam, ed. Angelus Maius (Milano 1816). Porphyrius, De abstinentia ab esu animalium, ed. De Rhoer (Utrecht 1767). XII Porphyrius, Vita Plotini in Plotini opera omnia, ed. Crèuzer (Oxford 1835). R. Reitzenstein, Die hellenistischen Mysterienreligionen (Leipzig and Berlin 1910). R. Reitzenstein, Historia Monachorum und Historia Lausiaca in Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur das alten und neuen Testaments, Neue Folge, Heft 7. R. Reitzenstein, Poimandres (Leipzig 1904). Die sogenannte Theologie des Aristoteles, ed. Dieterici (Berlin 1882). Thomas a Kempis, Opera omnia, ed. Pohl (Freiburg, 1902 sqq.). G. Wetter, eine Untersuchung über hellenistische Fröm- migkeit (Uppsala and Leipzig). E. Zeiler, Die Philosophie der Griechen4 (Leipzig). INTRODUCTION Bar Hebraeus may perhaps be called the best known of Bar He* . braeus as Synac authors in Europe. This popularity is due as well to a mystic his agreeable style as to the variety of his vast knowledge; nearly every Semitic scholar will find among his wprks one or the other which is interesting to him. It has however hardly been observed that this brilliant man with his brilliant career has gone through a religious crisis which made him appear before himself no longer as the high dignitary of the Jacobite church, but as a poor and humble beggar for religious Iight, a soul which on its way unto the union with God had only reached the stage where light is still dim and shadows are prevalent. Yet this crisis has not to be concluded from scanty biographical notes; it has been described by himself in plain terms and the present translation of his Book of the Dove will make this clear to every reader. In the introduction to the one hundred sentences which form the fourth chapter, he tells how he got wearied by theological and ecclesiastical quarrels; how he was not satisfied either by the science of the Greeks, and how he passed into a spiritual abyss in which he would have perished if God had not saved him. Gradually and slowly he turned to the mystic authors and finally to mystic life. The outcome of this concluding period ofhisbodily and spiritual career are his mystic writings which hitherto have not met with the recognition which they deserve; one XIV of them, the commentary upon the Book of Hierotheos, has even not yet been edited. Mystic Xhe other two, however, are accessible to readers since works some years. The book of the Dove has been twice edited: by G. Cardahi *) and by Paulus Bedjan, by the latter together with the Ethikon2); these texts may be called very satisfactory as a basis for a translation. Besides these three works of some extent there is still a small mystic tract edited by Bedjan together with the Ethikon and the Book of the Dove 3) entitled: A Narrative on the youth of the Mind. From a note in Codex Rich n° 1794 in the British Museum it appears that the Ethikon has been written by Bar Hebraeus in the year 1590 i. e. 1278 A. D., 8 years before his death. It is probable that the Book of the Dove was composed after the Ethikon, it has even been called an abridged edition of it. I have objections against this qualification, as may be seen further on, but so much is true, that nearly all the materials out of which the first three chapters of the Book of the Dove are composed, are to be found in the first three chapters of the Ethikon. And the fourth chapter of the Book of the Dove seems to betray in its personal tone something of the approaching departure. So the work may have been composed after A. D. 1278, Now the author tells us in the introduction to the sentences that he has devoted seven years to the study of mystic authors. With this date we may combine a note in Cod. 7189 Rich in the British Museum, in which a reader tells us, that he has spent ten years in enquiries after the volume containing the Book of Hierotheos with the commentary of Theodosius. All researches were in vain till, by an act of Providence, the Katholikos Bar Hebraeus, the light of the East, was gained for the sake of research and then the present copy was found, I) Rome 1898. 3) P- 600 sqq. 2) Paris 1898. XV and, because it was well nigh worn out, bound together in the year 1580 of the Greeks, A. D. 1268. Now this Book of Hierotheos has been set into a clear light by the researches of Frothingham; and Merx has shown how great its influence has been on Oriental mysticism '). Bar Hebraeus' acquaintance with it dates from 1268 and this may have been the year, in which his thoughts were directed towards mysticism; probably it has been a mighty impulse to the religious crisis he describes in the Book of the Dove. He wrote a commentary or notes to it; it is not known in which year; and, no doubt, it has also turned his attention to the other mystic authors of which he quotes a good many in his Ethikon and — some of which he does not quote. Bar Hebraeus was perhaps too old to change his career and adopt the way of life typical for the Eastern mystic. He has feit this discrepancy between his conviction and his life. one time he speaks of it, in the Book of the Dove, p. 548^ where he maintains that it is better for the mystic not to be dependent upon others and to earn his bread by manual work, as the Fathers have done. Then he goes on: Here the author confesses his guilt, saying j I teach but I do not learn: I write but I have neglected; I preach but I do not practise; I ad- monish but I have sinned. In other passages he speaks very modestly about his mystical Modesty career. In the introduction to the sentences he relates how conSg the crisis has passed away and light is dawning; but he pravs their ex" 4. j.1 .1 . , perience constantly that the screen which impedes his sight may be removed. And in sentence 79 he says that the sun of mystic illumination has not yet risen above his horizon. We may acknowledge the honesty of such confessions but, at the same time, it has to be observed that they are not seldom found in the works of the eminent leaders of mysti- 1) Idee und Grundlinien einer allgemeinen Geschichte der Mystik (Heidelberg, 1893). XVI cism. It is worth while to quote the following passage from Isaac of Ninive, one of Bar Hebraeus' spiritual authorities: This [viz. the preceding passage on mystical experience] I have written, to the pront of myself and of every one who comes across this book, as something which I have grasped from the contemplative mysticism to be found in books and from the mouth of veracious men; but a small part of it is the fruit of personal experience '). And Porphyry in his Life of Plotinus says that this great master has only four times reached the aim of all mystics, the union,with God, as long as he has known him; he himself only one time2). This scarcity of mystical experience even extends to whole generations. In the Introduction to the Book of the Dove Bar Hebraeus complains of the fact that the Syriac world in his time is without a mystic leader. Ghazall says that the mystics of his time do not know how to be familiar with God 3) and that the countries are devoid of a shaikh whose knowledge and works are to be taken as an example *). Kushairï 5) and Abü Talib al-Makkl °) speak in the same way; Isaac of Ninive says that the entrance into the divine mystery is scarcely accessible to one man in each generation '); and Johannes Climacus thinks that the divine gifts which were imparted to the ancients do not occur in his 1) Ed. Bedjan, p. 127: -A-staa »L».i ndi-i.KXaA &\s&\& ^Aen Kfcn r^-.-iorc'cS ^jsa è^i.irV.i yaxx v^»rV rdJoo rds&u&s 2) § 23. 3) P, P- 204: ÜJ\ ^ J-«£ L, 4) ib.: 0Y\ & y>L)\ ^Sé> ft^j «Je j Ai ÉltóUj fei 5) P- 3- 6) €| 161. 7) P- 167: [r&\.s90 j.aa.tx.saA AeaAo rVcrArX'.i cncViQ-i iYn XVII time '). — Notwithstanding Bar Hebraeus' modesty concerning his spiritual experience, the hundred sentences which form an important part of his book, are styled by himself as being founded upon revelations. Indeed they are the most original part of the book, and they give it a serious counterweight against the Ethikon. The number of these sentences seems to have been chosen in accordance with a well known Eastern predilection. Euagrius Ponticus, one of Bar Hebraeus' admired spiritual teachers, has written a book, entitled Centuriae, consisting of six times a hundred sentences. Zamakhsharï's Golden Necklaces are a hundred in number; and on the authority of cAlï a collection of hundred sentences is current in Arabic literature. — The other chapters of the Book of the Dove con- influence sist each of ten sections; here Bar Hebraeus seems to go back w^^f directly to Ghazalï's example, whose Ihya' also consists of four books, each containing ten chapters. The literary relation between Ghazalï and Bar Hebraeus will be discussed further on. Here some general remarks may find their place. Ghazalï seems to have been the first to divide the subject óf mystical ethics into four books, each of which has its distinct aim. It is at least not known to me that any of his predecessors has resorted to such a division; moreover he explains his reason for doing so in his introduction: the usual division of the fikh into four parts has been his example. So this is a novum. Those four parts are: I ritual and corporeal acts; II adab, social acts; III the purifying of the soul from vices; IV the providing of the soul with excellent qualities. This is exactly the same division as that of the Ethikon. The general parallelism between Ihya' and Ethikon may further be shown in a striking way by the juxtaposition of the chapters of the third books: *) P- 338: Tfly Si 3j«/>;«7i<ÉT»v ceurcóv oix Af-iovpévii. 1 XVIII Ihya' Ethikon 1 On the heart i On the soul 2 On the training of the soul 2 On the training of the soul 3 On lasciviousness and sen- 3 On wantonness suality 4 On lasciviousness 4 On the tongue 5 On the tongue 5 On anger, rancour and envy 6 On anger, rancour and envy '6 On the world 7 On worldly desires 7 On avarice 8 On covetousness 8» On bluff 9 On ambition 8b On false appearance 10 On hypocrisy 9 On pride 11 On pride 10 On self-deception 12 On boast This general parallelism appears in other cardinal points. Every chapter in the Ihya' and the Ethikon opens with a section containing the utterances of Scriptures and Tradition on the subject treated in it. Both go on with a definition of the subject, called jo or ajLb- by Ghazalï, ri£sacu>&i by Bar Hebraeus. Further Ghazalï divides the works into three states: that of knowledge (^Jc), action (Ai1) and disposition (Jlo) '); this division is also that of Bar Hebraeus who calls the states: speculation (róiotVèx), practice (rc&oici*J») and disposition (Qaifl0cr>è\r£.i) 2)« Both Ghazalï and Bar Hebraeus maintain that there is a_L U.\ ^, KèuaJ^niA rCcW.T_. and ic K'èviaj^*iot<'è\ r<&Uh.:i* and both say expressly that they will only treat of the former 3). From this parallelism in capital points it may already be clear, that Bar Hebraeus, as to the general lines of his work, was dependent upon Ghazalï. This parallelism exists chiefly between the Ihya' and the Ethikon. The Ethikon and the Book of the Dove have really different aims. The Ethikon, like the Ihya', has been written in order 1) Ihya' IV, p. 208. 2) Ethikon, p. 420. 3) Ihya' I, p. 4; Ethikon, 1. XX Nearly all of them are to be identified with certainty. Indeed, Euagrius Ponticus proves to be one of the most favourite; very often he is called ^i^ar<' rïlai, Evxypiog b f&éyix?, as Greek authors would say '); he is also called the father of the Initiated, rtüi&\^.a.T»:i KiarV2); or the masterof the Initiated, Klïèvi^osii rïlaï3); usually he is quoted as Father Euagrius, oa»'i\or<' KlarV4). As far as I see none of his works is ever mentioned by name. Gregorius Theologus 5) and the holy Basilius °) are also sometimes called ps^bÏ; Gregrorius of Nyssa is much less quoted '). One of the oldest and most quoted authors is the man who is usually called ^curc', John the prior. His identity is absolutely certain, for in the Ethikon, p. 413, his rdiaxnsa r£a&\& or Liber Scalae is mentioned. This is of course the famous Scala Paradisi and so John proves to be Johannes Climacus, the abbot of the monastery of Raitun in the Sinaitic peninsula. One time8) he is called rVift^s rVv.vci .JCUpï' nf-ièuM, the excellent prior of the monastery of Tar. Till the present day the old Raitun is called Tör or Tor 9). Dionysius the Areopagite is quoted once in the Ethikon 10), once in the Book of the Dove "). These are the originally Greek authors; Syriac translations of their works are preserved in the European libraries; that of Euagrius' works has been edited by Frankenberg ,2). 1) Ethikon, pp. 218, 223, 235, 309, 322, 325 sq., 327 sq., 349, 448, 481. 2) Ethikon, pp. 45, 105, 228. 3) Ethikon, pp. 29, 34. 4) e. g. Ethikon, pp. 19 sq., 28, 47, 102 sq., 183, 185, 241,246,250,255,272, 278, 285, 293, 304, 306, 312, 317, 324, 341 sq., 410, 419, 433, 447 sq., 468,474. 5) Ethikon, pp. 227, 317, 366, 483. 6) Ethikon, pp. 250, 328, 330, 432, 451 sq., 474. 7) Ethikon, pp. 350, 452. 8) Ethikon, p. 511. 9) John is mentioned e.g. Ethikon, pp. 14, 19, 39, 43, 97, 102 sq., 142, 236, 246, 255 sq., 272, 286, 293, 305 sq., 354, 356, 364, 411, 413, 508. Book of the Dove, p. 527. 10) p. 487. 11) p. 568. 12) In the Abhandlungen der Göttinger Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. XXI Of orjginally Syriac authors the following are mentioned: Hierotheos, whose book was sought in the Syriac libraries and found A. D. 1268 and on which Bar Hebraeus wrote a commentary, is quoted two times only; once in the Ethikon '), where he is called r^laï; and once in the Book of the Dove, where he has the epithet of Initiated 2). Frequently we find Mar Isaac, ,the excellent Mar Isaac'3), ,the chaste Mar Isaac'4). That this is Isaac of Ninive appears from the quotation in the Book of the Dove 5), which is to be found in the works of Isaac in Bedjan's edition °). Finally another author is to be mentioned whose identity is, as yet, not easily to be stated. I mean John de Dalyata '), alsö called Saba de Dalyateh. In Syriac and Arabic manuscripts he is often called rdi^oi «^a>, j\>j^\ 7*^5 so that Wright e.g. always calls him John Saba. The works of John Saba are preserved in the libraries of Cambridge, London, Paris and Rome in Syriac, Karshuni and Arabic. Now the question is: whether the ,spiritual Shaikh' is to be identified with John de Dalyata, as is done in some mss.; or with John bar Pinkayë" as is done in other mss.; it seems to me that this question cannot yet be answered. A recension of the authors quoted by Bar Hebraeus would be incomplete, without a class of persons who are not authors in the literal sense of the word, but whose sayings and lives were of an enormous influence upon Syriac asceticism: viz. the Fathers of Scete, who are mentioned in every chapter of the Ethikon. Their influence appears prominently in the ascetic parts of Bar Hebraeus' works, but asceticism and mysticism cannot be separated in mystics like Bar Hebraeus. His system 1) p. 449- 2) P- 568. 3) Ethikon, p. 29. 4) Ethikon, pp. 99, 249. — Further he is mentioned e. g.: Ethikon, pp. 8, 14, 19 sq., 27, 34, 102, 255, 279, 306, 321 sq., 332*354, 377, 419, 448, 468 sq., 475, 490. 5) P- 527- 6) p. 499. 7) Ethikon, pp. 272, 305, 312, 332, 441, 448, 475, 490. XXII or his ,way' begins with simple asceticism; then, the mystic light begins to dawn here and there, and finally, the reader is in a mystic atmosphere, which sometimes comes near to pantheism. This statement may be verified by the lecture of the Book of the Dove, the value of which lies chiefly therein, that it means to be and is a handbook for the novice who wishes to become a mystic, and which consequently describes the methods, aims and spiritual experience of Bar Hebraeus; not only of Bar Hebraeus however, but of the whole mystical school to which he belongs. Semiti°f *n '^e f°Howing pages this mystical system will be demysticism scribed in its outlines; then it will be found that Bar Hebraeus is closely akin not only to his Syriac predecessors, but also to Ghazalï and Muslim mystics of his type. So we are brought to the question of the origin of Semitic mysticism and asceticism. This question has been asked and answered several times and in different ways. It is of a very complicated nature and I do not imagine that my small contribution to the solution will be of a nature to answer the question in its entirety. I believe however that I am in a better position in view of it than many of my predecessors, because in the last years only the religi ous elements of the Hellenistic world have been studied and discussed in a thorough way. The name mysticism itself points to that Hellenistic movement which found voice chiefly in the many religions which are called the mystery-religions. Different descriptions and liturgical documents belonging to them have come down to us; their meaning and value have only become clear after the researches of men like Albrecht Dieterich, Reitzenstein and others. We have a certain right to denote all these utterances with the term Hellenism, perhaps the best comprehensive denomination for these phenomena. It can be compared with what Babylonian civilization has been for Semitic antiquity and it has served as a basis for xxiii Christianity and for Islam as civilizing and also as religious powers. We can not however be content with such a general term. And it may be said at the outset that we will find two other spiritual movements, which — it is true — can be styled as belonging to Hellenistic civilization — yet have their own very definite meaning: Gnosticism and Neo-platonism, the former being the theosophy, the latter the philosophy of Hellenism. And at the side of these, there is a mighty practical tendency which is found in Neo-pythagorean sects, among Neo-platonic philosophers, and, much more developed, in large circles of Christian society: asceticism, which tends in itselfto mysticism, but has only found its coronation in Christian and Muslim mysticism. So our study of Bar .Hebraeus' mystical system will lead us to Eastern syncretism — an other comprehensive term for the spiritual attitude of those times. This is at the bottom of the system, there can be not doubt of it. Still, it is to be observed, that all that is wild in it and connected with magie practice and heathen theory has been banished or purified, so that neither Bar Hebraeus nor Ghazalï have ever met with serious objections on the part of Catholic or Muslim ortho- doxy. And it may be conceded that both of them have raised their system to an apotheosis of every-day practice and common belief, which is far above all we know of Christian and Muslim juristic, dogmatic and polemic literature. That this spiritualizing process goes hand in hand with a tendency to- wards esoterie religion, will be shown in due place. Now, before we consider these mystic systems, one thing Specula- m -i- *j tion and is to be observed. Bar Hebraeus as well as Ghazalï consider practice their books as books for the practice of religious life, not as speculative works. Bar Hebraeus says this in the introduction to the Ethikon. He reasons thus: things to be grasped by man are either of a speculative nature, as for instance the knowledge that God is one and that the world will be destroyed ; XXXI is only considered as a praeparatory stage for the understanding of the mystic writers '). So Faith is for the mystic different from what it means for Faith the common believer. Bar Hebraeus considers the well known definition of faith in the Epistle to the Hebrews, Chap. n, as suiting to all belief; then he proceeds to give his own peculiar definition 2). In the twentieth sentence he discerns between the common belief which he calls the shadowy faith and the faith founded on revelations; the latter is to be reached by the solitaries by means of labour, efforts and apprenticeship. All these utterances concerning the distinction between common belief, even that of the Fathers and commentators, and that of the Initiated, are again founded upon similar distinctions in older mystics. Very explicit are e.g. the words of Dionysius the Areopagite: Moreover this must be kept in mind, that theological tradition is of a doublé nature: one current is unspeakable and mystic, the other is clear and easy to be recognized 3). And so it comes to be that mystic utterances in intimate interco urse with God, are considered by the common believers to be heretic, as Ghazalï says after Djunaid4). Also Isaac of Ninive distinguishes simple belief from the insight founded on revelations: If the small apple of the eye of thy soul has not been purified, then venture-not to look into the sphere of the sun, lest thou be bereaved even of the wonted visual power which is simple belief and humbleness and the confession of the heart and the small work which corresponds to thy strength5). 1) Book of the Dove, p. 558. 2) ib., p. 559. 3) P- 3°5 : 2ÉA*"( re xai toSto hynfaat xt*l ri Sirriiv elvai tijv tüv SeeAoyain wapioWiv t$v /lh awófptjrov xai liva-Ttxjv ripi Si IpQavii xai yvupipuTtfctv. 4) Ihya' IV, p. 294: ^ ^> J fV=U^ ^^JoM ^ y Jet-j£" 5) P- 16 sq.: ndA rOoiaa rïd AKh rei-sa-Vi rdxsox. ixa.ajK'-a g.t^sA uisaix XXXII So sharp is the distinction made by Bar Hebraeus between initiated knowledge and common belief, that he declares: He who reckons himself among the Faithful without having looked behind the door of the Holy of Holies, lies, even if he confess with his tongue and believe with his heart '). Those who have acquired true belief are baptised with fire and spirit, not with water 2). Fasting This distinction appears further in the religious practice of the mystics. Fasting e.g., is of three kinds: common fasting, peculiar fasting, which is the practice of the solitaries who not only abstain from food but from every sinful emotion, and more peculiar fasting, the practice of the Perfect who banish every sinful thought3). The number of ritual prayers is seven for common believers; the Initiated however have an eighth prayer4). Prayer Now prayer is one of the mighty means towards the object of all mysticism: the union with God. So it is described in connection with various experiences and soon the term looses its common meaning. Isaac of Ninive has developed a theory of ,pure prayer' as he calls it, which, no doubt, has influenced Bar Hebraeus. It is of importance therefore to translate one of Isaac's most explicit passages on this subject. As all power — he says — of the Law and the institutions which God has laid down for mankind, have their limit iri the purity of the heart, according to the Fathers, so all sorts and habits of prayer in which mankind prays unto God reach their limit in pure prayer. Sighs and sobs, persuasion and imploration from the heart, sweet tears and all the other habits which are possible in prayer, as I have said, reach in pure prayer their limit and their possibility of being set in motion. As soon as the mind has passed the border of the purity of prayer there vAiü v^rV.i «Iluaa&q rctVviArA rtf&uaa&io I) Sentence 17. 2) Sentence 19. 3) Book of the Dove, p. 545 j Ethikon, p. 80 sq. 4) Ethikon, pj 15. XXXIII is no longer prayer, nor inclinations, nor tears, nor power, nor liberty, nor persuasion, nor desire, nor longing after anything which may be expected in this world or in the world to come '). So pure prayer is already a sort of union with God; it has no longer anything to do, as Isaac declares, with the usual forms of prayer. In another description he says that prayer consists in the being dead of the inclinations of the will regarding the life of the flesh2). Bar Hebraeus has reproduced Isaac's theory of pure prayer paraphrastically: Mar Isaac says: pure prayer is not knowledge and words but the standing still of the intellect and a quiet mind which is concentrated and brought to peace, in silence of the inclinations and the senses. And he further says: the prayer which lies beyond purity, is steadiness of mind, peace of the heart, rest of the thoughts, quietness of deliberations, the contemplation of the new world, hidden consolation, intercourse 1) p. 165: kü.TaCuao rdfloêLsu.i r*Aiu ctAa.i rül^r-/ k&cu&rA oen n£=a.T_^. " *-A r^crArcA rduila ^l^sa.-t K&oJl^s KlsaifloKo rma&\.*r^ rV&u^^ re'oSa.A^X re*«-n^ v CVX-Ct ^^ocoSocVjjcS »cnoèVv»r<' p^èviAii r<*oSoA ^\ fcvxncV\ ctijA\_.ps' k'cVtcu^.i ïèis.t k&cvA^.i r*/*wW.:i r^ioK'Ai t^.aï.ftjj.i rc&cAjcars rCïü.™ rCjjuJ rtlu* .^cSoèucm K^-nso rVaur*/ )a^..i rcXxl^ rtaüaSk KVtlcis pCcVmu» >cno\ïr<'.i p^li\\p KferAr*/ )a^_ 2) Cf. Isaac, p. 166. 3) Ethikon, p. t3sq.: rVcVicA^i ^isorc*r«ilè\Sb.ö.T» .aocV rC'èuuaK'G rCcoAr^Las K"vu)0 K'&u.n \ r^/iVi f*n-\* Ai cra_»cH_«r<' rcèvi&.i ne'.'tö.^oo ^OJre* ^aim ^A^sa r£l*tcn.l ^Acncv ms.i rctawèVo v^»r^ ^dlmI relaK* ocrAc, vy-iocn Q-Stin*?A jt-èH-^cVre' .flaii-^aK* rdaK* i-SOPC* CüA~s*A 4) 11,8. 5) p. iii sqq. 6) p. 327. XXXV Muhammed ibn al-Fadl: I wonder at those who seek His temple in this world; why do not they seek contemplation of Him in their hearts? If they are bound to visit a stone which is looked at only once a year, surely they are more bound to visit the temple of the heart, where He may be seen three hundred and sixty times in a day and a night. But the mystic's every step is a symbol of the journey to Mecca, and when he reaches the sanctuary he wins a robe of honour for every step. In sentences 30 and 31 Bar Hebraeus expounds his theory Trinity of the Trinity: what the church calls Father, Son and Spirit is really Cause or Essence, Word and Life. This theory goes back to a Hellenistic system. In the Corpus Hermeticum we read: ovro yya&i • rb iv j '). Here the triad is: Mind, Word, Life. The Noü? is also called cSyf&wvpyés 2). There is further a difference betw een the common knowledge Knowof God and the esoterie one. The former recognizes God from e^od° the creatures; the Initiated go the inverse way: they first know God; then, en account of this knowledge, they- recognize the creatures 3). It is important to find, that Isaac of Ninive also gives an Crucifixion esoterie doctrine of the crucifixion in one of his sentences. The ascension to the cross — he says — consists of two things: firstly the crucifixion of the body, in the second place the ascension unto.contemplation; the former is a matter of freedom, the latter of influence 4). •c- 11 j r ■ Object r inally a good example of esoterie doctrine is given in of mystic aims 1) ed. Reitzenstein I § 6 (p. 329). 2) I § 10. 3) Book of the Dove, p. 572; sentence 73; Ethikon, p. 484. 4) p- 223: rc'.'u* . rc**ii\gl.i rtf&inflosa.i rï&cajso ^xire* ^èViix redtas.iaik=733 rc'éVuuièS rï&oirtful Kftusosa XXXVI the theory concerning the object of the mystic aims. While the common Christian and Muslim doctrines are content with the distinction between this world and the world to come, the latter being declared the only worthy occupation for the thoughts of man, Bar Hebraeus distinguishes three worlds: the present one, the kingdom of heaven and the kingdom of God. In sentence 58 he advises to clèanse the mirror of the mind and to recognize the way towards the kingdom of Heaven and then (ne^r*) towards the kingdom of God. These three realms correspond to three classes of men: the low ones seek this world, the high ones the world to come, the highest seek their Lord alone, Himself, not what is His l]J This is more sharply said in sentence 83: If you will possess the secret mysteries, then hate the two worlds [i. e. this world and the world to come] and let the dead bury their dead ; seek only Him who lives eternally and if you shall eternally be anxious to seek Him, you will live for ever and ever. — Consequently Paradise and its enjoyments cannot be the object of the longing of the mystics. This is said by them expressly. In his paragraph Paradise on purity of deliberations Bar Hebraeus declares every deliberation of which the object is not familiarity with God and divine things, not to be pure but troubled. Further he proclaims that the desire of the pleasures of Paradise rises from troubled deliberations2). So Paradise does not really belong to divine things. The same distinction is made in the section on renunciation. Those who renounce the world are divided into three ranks: the'lowest, consisting of those who renounce on account of fear from Heil; the middle one comprising those whose motive is desire of the enjoyment of Paradise; the highest being formed by those who seek the Good one alone 3). This highest rank is that of the Initiated 4). 1) Sentence 84. 2) Book of the Dove, p. 563. 3) Book of the Dove, p. 525; Ethikon, p. 412. * 4) Ethikon, p. 413. XLI This knowledge — as it is to be expected — is not of an intellectual nature. In a description of the consolation of the mystic in God, Bar Hebraeus speaks of vision and knowledge of Him whose glory is exalted over the world, without visible vision and without knowable knowledge % Hudjwïrï gives a good description of it: Gnosis (ma'rifa) is the life of the heart through God, and the turning away of one's inmost thoughts from all that is not God. The worth of every one is in proportion to gnosis and he who is without gnosis is worth nothing. Theologians, lawyers and other classes of men give the name of gnosis to right cognition ('ilm) of God, but the Sufi Shaikhs call right feeling (hal) towards God by that name 2). This is also the point of view from which Hellenistic religions consider knowledge. I may again quote Reitzenstein: Denn die yvrni? bsoïi um welche Christ und Heide betet, ist weit weniger ein Wissen als ein inneres Schauen oder Fühlen 3). And further: Und diese höchste Schau {bi») heisst yvmm beiv. Die yvSmq ist unmittelbares Erleben und Erfahren, ist eine Gnadengabe Gottes (%xpi & i_1S_<3 5Ü Irt ^ H jfr .. .. ^\ j-ij M uvj iM d& Ou ^\ 0\ 3) Ihya' IV, p. 267 sqq. LIV the degree of its purity, as a mirror will reflect things more clearly in accordance with its state of purity. This revelation is called sight but it is exalted above direction (*>^) and place (j-C). So knowledge acquired in this world will be completed in the world to come: between knowledge and sight is only a gradual difference. And, equally, the delights of man in the world to come 'will be different according to his.present nature and preference. Whosoever longs after meeting God, longs after death; but he has not to forget, that the true preparation for meeting God is a life of obedience; here lies the value of life. This short résumé may be given not only as an exposition of Ghazalï's thoughts concerning our special subject, but at the same time as a specimen of his lofty way of seeing things worldly and spiritual. It is, however, not to be forgotten, that Ghazalï is not the first to think.this way of thoughts. According to the exposition in the Theology of pseudo-Aristoteles the soul that has not been stained by the stains of the body will, after death, at once return to its pure state; but the soul, that has been tied with strong bonds to the body and its sensual nature, has to bestow much trouble upon the task of cleansing itself in order to be able to return unto its original sphere The thoughts of Isaac of Ninive, Ghazalï and Bar Hebraeus, reproduced here, are to be found in cognate forms in several other mystic authors, Christian and Muslim. Al-Kushairï answers on the question whether man in this world can already behold God, in the way of a charisma, that the idjma' thinks not, but that al-Ash'arï has given two different answers in his book on sight2). Ibn 'Ata'allah thinks, like Ghazalï and Bar Hebraeus, that 1) p. 6 sq. 2) p. 188: J_.\_^5\ Jc Vyi\ j «U\ h}J jj? Afci Ai ö\i £5lS tf)\ ^VSr j oij disi J J\j Ai\ i>J-\ ^ cf- $4 4^ o>. LV the true mystic longs after death: One of the signs of love is longing after meeting the Beloved one face to face, and after revelation in the abode of salute, the place of being near [God] '). And the completion of delight consists in looking towards His benignant face 2). In this world the süfï's see God in the created things, but afterwards they will behold Him face to face 3). He also reproduces a tradition on the authority of the Apostle of God on the authority of Djibrïl who received it from Allah Himself. Allah asked the angel: O Djibrïl, what is the reward of him whose eyes I take away? Djibrïl answered! Beware, we only know what Thou teachest us. Allah: His reward is the eternal abode in my habitation and looking towards my face 4). These evidences may suffice for our purpose. It is however to be remarked, that the idea of seeing God as the aim of the mystic, goes back to Hellenism just as the other ideas we have discussed above, to Hellenism. in its religious and in its philosophical expressioh. Jamblichus says, that the soul by seeing the divine visions acquires new life: èv yxp rep bewpelv tx (ixKxpix bexfixrx vi «AAijv %coviv xXXxrvtTXi 5). And in the Theology of pseudo-Aristoteles it is argued that the soul, when in its own intelligible world, does not act nor speak, because it has only to gaze at the things in that world °). Nay, it is already in this sensual world, that the soul is able 2) II, 41 : f£\ J\ J_A rJ\ f\jt*2 3) % 86. 4) 1,78: Jl* Ut V. .1 U Ac ^ J _ _Ju ö. §jf V, A^r \ 5) De mysteriis, p. 41. 6) p. 14 sq.: j\ JyJ J\ _U ilU J>\ 'UY\ \fi LIX already a cause of dispute. Bukharï's tradition is the answer of ancient orthodoxy; opposition came from the side of the Mu'tazilites, as was to be expected in a sect that even went so far as to deny the existence of Allah's qualities. Orthodoxy could not remain content with a simple affirmation as it is given in tradition, implying a rather crude solution of the question. The solution of orthodox dogmatics may be seen e.g. from Kastallanï's commentary. He explains the words 'you will see Him in the same way', thus: Without dispute, clearly and openly, the Most High will reveal Himself to His servants, in this way that the relation between this revelation and His peculiar being is the same as that between sight and these material objects of sight. Yet He is exempt from a description of His contemplated image and from being reached by the rays, and from juxtaposition, direction and place; for though these things are implicated in usual sight, yet intellect makes an exception in this case '). The attitude of mysticism in this question has been giyen above and may be called characteristic not only for this question, but also for its aptitude to answer religious questions in a religious way. After these general ideas concerning Semitic mysticism, we Man have to give a survey of the system. In the first place we according have to ask, for this is a principal question, what our mystics mystic. think of the subject of mysticism, manJlt will be observed, that in the translation of the Book of the Dove the spiritual L\_ «>> ^A jd\ Al J 0JJM A* j\s g L j . % öfi & ^AU c>\_r_A\ „j_ Jl J Lu VA i^i^j^i.] «li j\ aVi^YA is4j V,^ c&\> ^ ^ jJA. £0 JU! ^ J>\ ^ fu,l .&* i^ii ö>. ojvT LXIX A* As is to be expected, the same comparisons are current among Muslim mystics. Ghazalï oalls the fruit of the knowledge of .practice' the medicine of hearts and spirits by which life everlasting is acquired '). And he compares his advices concerning the correction of morals with the practice of medicine 2). Ibn 'Ata'allah's commentator calls the healing of the diseases of the heart a duty of the novice 3). Now what are the diseases of the soul that have to be healed ? Affections They may be called by a general term klü,, a translation of ?n*9-jj'. The Syriac word, like the Greek one, has the general meaning of passion; in mystic terminology it means affections. Porphyry says: wó&yi 5è votrnfixrav xp%xr ipvxfc 5s vóo-v^x xxxlx *). And: xevog èxeivov Qitoo-óCpou hèyog u