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that forms the British Empire, and will be quite able to defend itself, will eliminate all danger from the side of Russia. But there may be other causes of friction which we can only conjecture, and one of which we have named.

Again, a wealthy and prosperous Germania, unwilling to fight, may, if unarmed herself, get other nations to fight on her behalf. She may well have better diplomats in the 2ist century than in our days. She may have large sums to lend. Who is going to deny the possibility of another Prussia rising in some other country outside Germany? Who would deny that Asia.with hundreds and hundreds of millions of people is not a land of unlimited possibilities ? Or that some tribe in the African wilderness may learn Western science, and use it for aggression, by Germania's financial and intellectual aid?

A democratised, ultra-industrialised Germany may throw herself with as fanatic zeal as she applies to ultra-militarism, into social democracy. For several industrial products the socialist theory that the State should be the sole capitalist and producer may be put into practice. High protective tariffs may shield Germany from "dumping". But the State, ha ving become one immense house of business, may throw itself into any particular lines of articles of export that will best suit it, and "dump" those on the markets of the world, by huge advertising campains, low prices and all the arts of selling goods which our time has brought to

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