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ers who up to now have remained neutral, that such is their intention, and that Europe, policed by an International Army, and the Oceans by an International Fleet, are what they are fighting for. (*)

As long as they remain in the present stage of vague promises regarding the "rights of small nations" and the "destruction of Prussian militarism", they will not convince the Neutrals that this war is essentially different from previous ones; that it is more than an old-fashioned war, to be followed by an ojd-fashioned peace. Their glowing passion for "liberty, right and justice", their red-hot indignation at Germany's callous brutality and cynicism will not be of the slightest avail. The Neutrals will continue to feel boundless pity for the victims of the Teutonic conspiracy. But beyond that they will have no reason to help, unless they are forced into war, for help to others may mean self-destruction. Ultra posse nemo obligatur. They will continue taking an interest in the situation only in so far as their own selfish interests, in their narrowest national sense, are concerned. The international situation, for them, when the war is over, will open no new prospects of anything better than before. What is said about the rights of small nations, the destruction of Prussian militarism, they will call words. The small

(*) We may here quote the following from Sir Edward Grey's communication oi the 25th August 1915 to the British Press: „If, in future, we are to have guarantees against wars, they will have to be reasonable, clear and practicable, and to engage Germany as well as other nations, ourselves included".

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