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The booke of the common prayer, 1549

an enquiry into its language (phonology and accidence), with an introductory note about its composition and origin
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1933

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Titel: The booke of the common prayer, 1549
Ondertitel: an enquiry into its language (phonology and accidence), with an introductory note about its composition and origin
Deel: -
Auteur: Prins, Anton Adriaan
Jaar van uitgave: 1933
Drukker/Uitgever: Portielje
PPN: 395157048
Taal: Engels
Onderwerp: Book of $Common Prayer; Fonologie; Verbuigingen; Engels; Proefschriften (vorm); 18.04 Engelse taalkunde; 0478 bba; 478 bba Taal- en letterkunde → Engelse taal- en letterkunde → Taalkunde → Taalmonumenten (niet-literaire teksten) → Taal → Van anonieme teksten
Omvang: XXXI, 129 p
Herkomst: Koninklijke Bibliotheek
Bron metadata: OPC

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Permanente URL
Titel

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Gebruiksvoorwaarden

Auteursrechtelijk beschermd. Op dit object rust auteursrecht.

Titel

The booke of the common prayer, 1549

Ondertitel

an enquiry into its language (phonology and accidence), with an introductory note about its composition and origin

Deel

-

Auteur

Prins, Anton Adriaan

Jaar van uitgave

1933

Drukker/Uitgever

Portielje

PPN

395157048

Taal

Engels

Onderwerp

Book of $Common Prayer

Fonologie

Verbuigingen

Engels

Proefschriften (vorm)

18.04 Engelse taalkunde

0478 bba

478 bba Taal- en letterkunde → Engelse taal- en letterkunde → Taalkunde → Taalmonumenten (niet-literaire teksten) → Taal → Van anonieme teksten

Omvang

XXXI, 129 p

Herkomst

Koninklijke Bibliotheek

Bron metadata

OPC

Bible Translations and English Primers . • Hl VI. Curious forms found in the First Prayer Book, with the corresponding readings in three other editions of the Prayer Book, the Great Bibles, etc. .......... 113 VII. Curious spellings in the Primer of 1546, compared with the spellings in the Prayer Book, the Primer of 1535 and the Manuall of 1539 115 VIII. Peculiar spellings in the Order of the Communion of 1548, compared with the alternate readings of the Prayer Book of 1549 1W IX. Spelling-pecmliarities occurring in two other biblical and liturgical works • • • 119 Bibliography 121 Index • 127 Index of Dialect Features. • • • • 129 ABBREVIATIONS a. = adoption of, adopted from. a. = adjcctive. ad. = adaptation of. a. 1300 = ante 1300. AF. = Anglo-French. AN. = Anglo-Norman. AV. = Authoriscd Version. c. = century. c. = circa. CF. = Central French. D. = Dutch. E. = English. e. = early. L. = Latin. 1. - late. MD. = Middle Dutch. ME. - Middle English. MoE. = Modern English. MLG. = Middle Low German. n. = noun. (O). = original; cf. Introd. p. II, note 1. obs. = obsolete. OE. = Old English. ON. = Old Norse. ONF. = Old Northern French. s. = singular. sb. = substantive. Sco. — Scottish. v. = verb. WS. = West Saxon. For the system of reference see Introduction p. II, nöte 2. 1 ) Cf. the reference to this Act of Parliament in note 13. 31) Heylyn (cf. note 9) p. 57. An. reg. 2, 1548. Simön Heynes Dean of Exeter Thomas Robertson Archdeacon of Leicester (afterwards Dean of Durham) John Redmayne Master of Trinity College, Cambridge sa) Blunt adds that the first six, besides Cranmer, are from the Upper House of Convocation and the latter six from the Lower House and concludes from the similar proceedings of 1661 that the Convocation of the Province of York must also have been represented. However, we know nothing about this. He adds that 'the list of names is taken from a contemporary entry of a "Parson of Petworth" in a Prayer Book of 1632. Heylyn makes a quotation from "the Register Book of the Parish of Petworth" but no information can now be obtained respecting this register. The same list, omitting the name of May, occurs on a printed broadside within the cover of MS. 44 in Cosin's Library, Durham.' *■) Strype gives the hst after Fuller, adding : '(if we may give credit to Fuller's Church History, and what is commonly taken up and reported in our Histories). Though I conjecture the main of the work went through some few of these men's hands. For three of those Bishops, Thirleby, Skyp and Day, protested against the Bill for this Liturgy, when it passed their house. And I believe Robertson and Redman liked it as little.'34) The Lives of most of these men were written by S. Downes and-prefixed to Sparrow's Exposition, a second edition of which appeared in 1722. M) We extract the following data from these Lives. 1. Thomas Cranmer was born at Aslacton in Nottingham, July 2nd, 1489. His father died while Thomas was yet very young. His mother died when he was fourteen. He was sent to Cambridge, 3!) Dixon II, 492, quoting Strype I. 85 (old marginal notation) or II. 1.134 (new) has the following variants in spelling : Holbeach, Haines and Redman. **) Blunt p. 14. The quotation from Heylyn quoted as occurring on p. 64, folio edition I. 132, but really beginning on p. 63 does indeed refer to the Register Book of Petworth, but it is not mentioned in this connection by Heylyn. M) Strype (cf. note 26), vol II. part 1. p. 130—136 ; old marginal notation book I (not II as quoted by Dixon) p. 85 ; cf. also p. 302. M) A Rationale or Practical Exposition of the Book of Common Prayer by A. Sparrow, to which are prefix 'd, the Lives of the Compilers of the Liturgy, etc. by S. Downes. Second Edition. London. Printed by J. Bettenham, for Charles Rivington, 1722. elected Fcllow of Jesusr College and refused an appointmettt at Cardinal Wolsey's new foundation at Oxford. He was consecrated Archbishop on March 30th, 1533. . . . ^ 2 Ridley was born in Northumberland, near the Scottisn border and trained in the Grammar School ^ Newcastle-uponTyne. He was sent to Cambridge, elected Fellow m 1524 and refused an appointment at Oxford. 3 Goodrich, born in Kirby in Lincolnshire, was educated at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. Afterwards he was employed at Court and in embassies. 4. Holbech, born in lincolnshire, was educated at Cambridge. 5. Skip was brought up in Gonville Hall in Cambridge. He refused an appointment at Oxford. ua*VêA 6. Thirlby was born at Cambridge and educated in Tnmty Hall in that town. ., , , 7 Day was born at Newport in Shropshire and educated at Cambridge. (He sat in the Windsor Commission but refused to subscribe the liturgy.) , 8 Taylor was educated at Cambridge (no account of birth and parentage has been found) and elected Fellow of Queen s College. 9 Cox was born at Whaddon in Buckinghamshire and educated at Eton ; he was sent to King's College, Cambridge and afterwards removed to Wolsey's new foundation at Oxford. 10. May was born in Suffolk and educated at Cambridge. Afterwards he became Master of Queen's College. 11. Robertson, born near Wakefield in Yorksmre, was sent to Queen's College in Oxford. He was made demy of Magdalen C°l2egHeynes was educated in the University of Cambridge, and elected Fellow of Queen's College. 13. Redmayne descended from a Yorkshire family and was educated at Corpus Christi College, Oxford. He afterwards studied at71 and was elected Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge. Even if we could take into consideration the vanous ir^uences that went to shape the language of these men, it would be^fajrly impossible to attribute any special feature in the work to any of. them individually, the more so as so litde of the actual nature of their special contributions and activities is known. The fact is however, as will be proved hereafter, that both ******* accidence the work rather betrays the influence of the sources it derives from, than any special dialect or other features that may have belonged to its compilers. Spelling of We shall therefore proceed to an examination of the the sources. spelling of the sources. In some cases it will be possible to compare the texts as found in the source, with those of the Book. In others this plan can hardly be adopted owing to considerable divergences. Table VI gives a great many curious spellings in the book of March 7th, occurring all over the work, in Psalm 148, in a Collect and in a Gospel reading from Luke I. The corresponding forms in the three other editions and in the six editions of the Great Bible are quoted and occasionally other sources are mentioned. se) From this table it will appear that the forms weomen and sweord are probably due to blending the forms in o, which are the usual 3e) The Bibles used for reference and comparison are all in the Library of the British and Foreign Bible Society, London. They are: 1. The Holy Bible etc. made from the Latin Vulgate by John Wycliffe and his Followers, edited by the Rev. Josiah Forshall & Sir Frederic Madden. Oxford University Press 1850. 2. A facsimile edition of the New Testament by Tindale (1525 or 1526, Worms) taken from the copy in the Baptist College Library, Bristol. (Another copy is at St. Paul's, London.) 3. Coverdale's Translation, 1535. 4. The Matthew's Bible (Rogers') 1537. 'This edition is supposed to contain all that was translated by Tyndale ; it was licensed under the name of Thomas Matthew, the year after Tyndale's death.' (note by Fry.) 5. The Great Bible by Lord Thomas Cromwell, 1539. (Much the same as the Matthew's Bible of which Cranmer judged so favourably. Cf. note 36a). 6. The Great Bible. First Edition by Archbishop Cranmer, April 1540. (This is the first Bible of Cranmer Proper, containing his Prologue). These two versions (5 & 6) have been compared by Francis Fry (two chapters in a Book). There are no considerable differences (see leaf prefixed to those volumes). The Great Bible was issued in different editions dated as follows : April 1540, July 1540, November 1540, May 1541, November 1541 and December 1541. These editions do not differ greatly, though occasional deviations, especially in spelling, were found by the present author. There is also a mixed (Bible) edition (1539—40—41). Cf. also F. Fry. A Description of the Great Bible 1539 and the six editions of Cranmer's Bible 1540 and 1541. etc London, Willis and Sotheran. 1865. 36 a) The Prayer-Book. Its History, Language and Contents, by E. Daniël. London, Wells Gardner, Darton & Co. 1901 (23rd edition, p. 21). ones in the Prayer-Book, with the e-forms of the Great Bible88b). The resulting eo-spelling was in many cases carried into other texts by the printer. The form wold, rare in the Prayer Book, is also due to the influence of the Bible ; indeed, some of the editions have it regularly. Other forms like eiuil, yearth, etc. do not occur m the Bibles. They are, however, very usual in some of the Primers. Giuen, which is rare in the Prayer Book, is probably derived from the same source. . In table VII, a great many curious spellings from the Pnmer of 1546 are quoted, with occasional references to the Primers of 1535 and 1539. In passages which are identical or nearly so, in the Prayer-Book, the corresponding forms in the Prayer Book have also been quoted. This table shows how many curious spellings are derived from these primers. The form awne (=own) which occurs once in the Communion Service in the Book of 1549, is very usual in the Communion Service of 1548, though curiously enough the place where awne occurs in the Book of 1549, has owne in the Service of 1548. Table VIII leaves little doubt as to the origin of this and many other forms like least (= lest), blissed, desier.™) The forms fyer, nether (= neither) occasionally found in the Prayer Book, also occur in the Primers. (Cf. table VII). It is noteworthy that Erasmus' Paraphrase which was printed by Whitchurche in January 1548, also has weaxe (inf.), weomen, weorkyng, kat (inf.), etc, all of which occur in the Prayer Book and its sources. Cf. Table IX. This again points to the great influence which the printer and his assistants had on the orthography of any text, and how, through their medium, previously printed texts came to influence the spelling in later texts. All these comparisons bring out the fact that composer(s), compilers and printers were greatly influenced by the works used in compiling the liturgy, and that any divergence from the ordinary spelling is due, not so much to any individual contnbuter or compiler, but rather to the influence of the original sources. As has been remarked above, the curious spellings and blends »«b) In the case of sweord the Great Bibles prefer the spelling ea to e. ") The Order of Communion. London, Gratton, in the '2nd year of Edward VI' , 'the eyght daye of Marche 1548'. are as a rule carried into the whole body of the work, not indeed with any consistency or regularity, but they do occur in many places where the originals had a different form or where the work is original itself. So the influences of compiler and printer are intermixed. Marters of a grammatical order are of course far less liable to such tampering at the printer's hands. Hence it is interesting to note the use of are and be in the present plural. Their relative frequency has been worked out in the table on p. 89 Accidence). This table shows that the ratios in the use of are and be for parts of the Old Testament (except the Psalms), the New Testament and the Psalms are: 2: 1, 19:1 and 7:1 respectively, or if we take the whole of the Old Testament together 7 : 1 as against 19 : 1 in the New Testament. In spite of this discrepancy, due to the twofold origin of the Great Bible, the Bible parts yet show an overwhelming majority of are forms. This contrasts strongly with the ratios found for parts derived from the Primer of 1546, the Litany, Communion Service, pref aces, rubrics and occasional services, which are the following : are : be rubrics 1 : 2 prefaces 1 : 1.7 collects, songs 1 : 1.8 sermons 1 : 1.5 In all these cases there is a marked, though far smaller, majority of be forms. This is a highly important point, which shows that the Prayer Book in many places is highly archaic. Such archaisms are not foreign to the text in other respects either. The primers, e.g. have the spelling -tion in words like salvation, nation, etc, whereas the Prayer Book has the mediaeval spelling -sion, -don, with only rare -tion forms. Another cunous fact, noted before, but worthy to be mentioned again in this connection, is that the blends and dialectal deviations do not occur in any of the other editions examined. This also is corroborative of the priority of the March edition by Whitchurche. PHONOLOGY. STRESSED VOWELS. l.ME.a. ME.a is regularly rcpresented by a, e.g.: can, hallowed, man, hande, adders, asshes, anger, lacke, planted, manner, mattyns, damned, catell, battayl. 1. Note also Salomon, 05711' 12'. 2. For the single consonant in halowed, swalowe, scatereth, maner, etc, see Consonants. a-je. The change of ME.a to a? is not represented by any examples of e-spellings. 3. The form bend in a bend of men 12723', John 18.3, is from the French bende. "Both forms bende and bande, appear to have been introduced from French by Caxton ; but bende was by far the more frequent form till late in the 16th c." OED. whan-when. (OE. hwanne, hweenne, hwonne BT., hwenne OED.; ME. whan(ne, when(ne, whon, h)wan(ne, h)won(ne, h)wen(ne Stratmann) Occasionally whan is found : 02335' 37', 16201, 30016, 31714, 32320', 33922, 36327, (31 has when) ; wha 33812 ; whansoever 32416', 33821, 34421. In ME. the e-forms, originally due to weakstressed position, were also found in other cases. This is also the case here, the e-form having completely ousted the a-form. There is no differentiation in meaning, as will be apparent from the following examples: who shalbee hable to endure whan he appeareth 36327. The day of the lorde cummeth as a thiefe vpon the night, & when men shall say peace, and all thynges are safe: then shall sodayne destruccion come vpon them 36331, There was more busines to fynd out what should be read, then to read it when it was founde out 00339'. Therfore seyng that whd om carnal fathers doe correct vs, we reuerently obey thé 33812. Almightie god, whiche.... doest promise, that whan two or three bee gathered in thy name, thou wylt graunte theyr requestes 30016. Cf. also 16201, sub than. 4. In 02335 the Primer of 1539 has whan in the corresponding place ; the Primer of 1546 has when both in 02335 and 37. The Primer of 1539 has no form corresponding to whan in 02337. than-then. (OE. panne, ponne, ME. Pan(ne, pxnne, pen). Both advcrb and conjunct ion varied in ME. and the 16th c. between pan(than) and pen(then), the c-form being presumably due to weak stress. Cf. OED. "When the adverb was reduced to Pen, from the 15th c. spelt then, there was a strong tendency to spell the conjunction in the same way, which during the 16th c. nearly triumphed." OED. This triumph of then over than is amply illustrated by our text: there is only one example of than : Than shall the minister take so muche Bread and Wine,'as shall suffice 27721'. Cf. Then so manye as shalbe partakers of the Holy Communion, shall tary still in the qtu're 27716'. In all other cases then is found, also in emphatic positiori and after comparatives, e.g. : Then shalbe saied or song without any Inuitatori this Psalme 02130. Cf. 00339', sub whan. Even in correlation with whan we find then : But these thinges I haue told you, that / that whan the tyme is come, ye may remembre then that I tolde you 16201. 5. For wexeth, weaxed, -eth, see ME.e. 6. The form shipwracke 07724' is derived from MDu. wrak or MLG. wrak, OE. wrxc being used in a different sense. For the MoE. form wreek, cf. AF. wrek, ON. *wrec (Norw. and Icel. rek). ME. al(l and al+consonant, are regularly represented by al(l resp. aZ+cons., e.g. : al(l, cal, gaïl, talke, walke, almose, calme, false. 7. The form psalme, which is the only form of this word in the text, shows that ME. saam (by the side of psalm) was no longer used by the clergy. (Cf. OED.: 3 saume, 4 same, 3—6 satme, 5 saalme ; 1 psalm, 4—7 psalme) 8. The word altar occurs in various forms: altar 28009', 29132, -e 05006, -es 15609. alter 08232', 18408 10, 27601 (2), 27728, 28219. aulter 07914', 33002 (2). aultare 08829, 36619. Cf. OED. 1 altar, 1—6 alter, 3—6 auter, 3—7 aulter, 4—6 awter, autere, 6 autre, awlter, alterfre, -are, avltar, 6—7 altar ; a. L. altare, pi altania. "Side by side with the OE. form, the OFr. aute'r (earlier autier, aultier, altier) was adopted a. 1300, and both forms, with many intermediate ones, continued to the 16th c, when the spelling altar after L. prevailed." Cf. also Jespersen, who says that the /-form was due to direct borrowing from Latin. MEG. 10.481. As in the case of psalm, the Latinized spelling is the more usual one in the Prayer Book. The spelling aal in this word should, of course, not be looked upon as an instance of the change of al to aul, since the text offers no other examples of this change. Before ƒ, s, st, and b, ME. a is regularly represented by a, e.g.: staffe, chaffe, graffe 18507', graffed 15512, asse, brosse, glosse, last(e, cast, pasture, father( only form), pathes, hath, gather(ei. The sounds represented cannot be inferred from the text. 9. The noun wrath 02221, 06821 et pass., always occurs with a. The adjective always has o. 10. For graffe, see OED. >* 11. The word master occurs with a by the side of at; master 25635', 25701', 27214, et pass. maister 11511, 32109', 32411, 37309, et pass. According to Jordan master shows a 15th c development of ai to a before s+cons. HMEG. §284, Anm. 2, whereas the form maister is a blend, in which OF. maistre and the development of OE. mxfiester coalesced. § 233, Anm. 1. Whether the above instances have the traditional spelling, or whether they are survivals of the at-pronunciation, cannot be concluded from the text. 12. The word answer, both as a noun and a verb, occurs with a and au. The au-form occurs 117 times, the a-form 88 times. The aa-form seems to represent a real aa-pronunciation. Jespersen explains it as due to the following w. MEG. 3.97 er-ar. The change of er to ar will be discussed sub ME. e. The following words* however, will be mentioned here, as having a already in ME. or AN.: (thou) art < OE. eart, harm, warm, hard(en, barley < OE. baerlix 09308 et pass., arm, departe, harnes < OF. hameis 09023, marchaund < OF. marchand, parteners 18215, dartes 21311. 13. For marchaund cf. OED. 3—6 marchaynd, 3—7 marchand, 5 merchaund, 5—7 merchaund, 5—6 merchaunt, 4 merchant 14. The word partener (= partner) occurs as : 3—8 partener. OED. In the 13th c. partener is found, apparently an alteration of parcener < OF. parcener, "one who shares, or has a part in something with another or others", under the influence of part (sb.) OED. 15. For dark, mark, etc, see er-ar. 16. The word bargain is found with e; bergaining 08725' (OF. bargaine). This is undoubtedly an inverted spelling. Cf. Jordan § 270, Anm., and OED. 5 bergayne, borgen, bargeyn,6bergan,bargyn -gin, 6 bargain. wa-qua. Water is always spelt as in MoE. 17. For war see the change from er to ar. au. AN. au for CF. & is regularly represented by au, e.g. : commaundfment, braunches, graunte, demaunde, slaundered, chaunce, aduauncement, aduaütageth, etc, also in unstressed position: seruaunt (reg.), remembraunce, variaüce, acquaintaunce, ignoraunce, vengeaunce, etc. There are a few examples of a-forms : seruantfes 12837', 36014, lanche 18134, plantes 24608. 18. The word example regularly has a: 04911, 09618 19,15035, etc, 15 times in all. It occurs only once with an; 26222. Cf. OED. 4—6 exemple, exsaumple, 5—6 exsaumple, exawmple, 5 example < OF. example, exemple, a refashioning after Latin of earlier essample. By the side of exa(u)mple(s the form ensa(u)mple is found in the text: ensample 15112, -s 18915 25; ensaumple 03826. Cf. OED. 4 ensamp-ensaumpel, 5 both a- and aa-spellings ; after the 15th c only a-ferms are given. So the aa-form found in the Prayer Book is apparently a late survival, not mentioned at so late a date by the OED. Cf. also Luick's statement: "Andererseits scheint sich aa vor m in gröszerem Umfang zu halten als vor den anderen Labialen." HG. § 427. The change from aa to a:, which was again shortened to a, is dated by Luick towards the end of the 13th, partly in the 14th c. Its area seems to have been large, but it is not found in parts of the North and the Northwest Midlands. (Ibid.) , j Whether the examples in the text (exaumple and ensaumple) are spelling-survivals, or whether they represent a different pronunciation, cannot be decided. 2.ME.e. ME.e is regularly represented by e, e.g.: endfe, welles, fleshfe, denne, lenger, recken, becken, brent 07214, 07404, entred, remember, tendre, leper. The spelling eo is sometimes found in Romance words : jeopardyes 07726'27', ieoperdie 35304'. 1. For the cases in which the e-sound is represented by ea see below. 2. The word friend always occurs with e, e.g.: frend 09927', -e 07606 +(3), -es 12022 +(11), frendly 23508. It may safely be assumed that in all these cases the short form in e is meant, as single e in this text only represents e: in open syllables. 3. The word shepherd occurs as shepeherd, -herdes, -heard, -hard (6 times), and as shephard, -herde, -heardes (7 times). Though the shortening in this word was late owing to the secondary stress, which must have been preserved for some considerable time (Jordan § 24), there seems little doubt that in the 16th c the form shepe (with final e) in this compound was merely an analogical spelling due to the word shepe itself. . 4. By the side of the regular form blesse(d, occasional t-forms are found. These forms are generally explained as due to contamination with the noun Miss (= happiness). Cf. OED. 3—7 blesse, blisse. The t-forms (blisse (v.) 32401', 33209, blissed 31121, Missing 32403) may, however also be due to shortening of e: and subsequent narrowing before dorso-alveolar in 1WS. and INorth. Cf. Bülbring, who mentions geblitsade in eKentish, AEB. § 340. The two influences may very well have gone hand in hand. e-i. There are hardly any instances of the narrowing of e. Besides blisse (see above), which may be due to contamination, we find : thinglyshe (letanye) 36105', by the side of the usual e-form. 5. The form printe (n.) 29215 is from ME. printe (OED. 4—6 prente, printe, prynte, from obs. Du. printe). In the colophon we find imprinted 37332. The verb print occurred already with i(y) in ME. (OED. 4—6 prynt(e.) ea. There are some curious cases of ea-spellings in words which had e in ME.: mealte 09118', weaxed 24507', -eth 33524 (by the side of wexeth 24216), preased 11711', 18126, preaced 20527. It is of course possible, but not likely, that ea in all these cases is an inverted spelling for e. In the case of mealte the long sound may be owing to the past participle, which had a (long) diphthong in 1ME. and eMoE. (moulten), or a long monophthong. (Cf. Wright EHNEG. § 103, and Luick HG. § 502.) The form mealt is also mendoned in the OED. 6 mealt. A form like healpe (OED. 6) would offer a paralleL A long vowel in weaxe is difficult to explain. The form, which is also mentioned in the OED. (6 weaxe), may be a mere inverted spelling, or a spelling-compromise between wexe and waxe, both of which were found at the time (OED. 3—6 waxen, wexe) and may owe their development to a different origin (Anglian weahsan> waehsan t Saxon weahsan> wehsan. Cf. Jordan § 63.). In preased, preaced (MoE. press) the long vowel represents AN. e: Cf. Jordan § 222,225, and OED. e-ea. Many words which had [e] in eMoE. (sometimes by the side of e: or e:), are found with e and ea, or either of these. They may be grouped as follows: A. Words in which eMoE.c is a shortening of ME. e: (e:) from Anglian or Kentish e: (WS. at:), e.g. t breth 26120', breath 10518, 35016', dredeful 35525, -full 36313, dreadefull 32607, redde (pp). 00603, 29425, red (pp.) 30501, by the side of the usual form read, shepherde, -hard, -heardes (7 times), shepeherd, -herdes, -heard, -hard (6 times), weapons 12721. B. Words in which eMoE. e represents a shortening of ME.« (Kentish e:j,from OE. at:, OKentish e: ff-mutation of WGèrm.aij, . bredth 20322, clense 05210, 17428', 20307, -ed 04102, -eth 05207 +(6), cleansed 06834, unclennes(se 13818, 18514, 20825 +(2), délt(e 18809, 34308, helth 33717 26, 33923 +(4), health 07023, 12312, ledde pp. 30639 reg., lest (MoE. least) 31437', least 06216 et pass. (the conjunction is always lest), alredy 11317, redy 21115, readines 00341, shed pp. 05313, 11530, inf. 06533, shead inf. 31611', bloudshedyng 27216, sheading 11409, spredde pp. 23031, sweate 11704. C. eMoE. e, e: resulting from other sources: a. in words of Germanic origin: beneth 10933', 23327', bread reg., brest 19421, 33722, -e 20322, 30318' 20', -es 12217,12329, -plate 21308, breast 05217, 34212, dead reg., deaf(f)e reg., deth 31318, death reg., Esterday 37324, Easter weke 14119, 14515, fethered 25134, get reg., geate 32117', greater 11606, greatteste 11601 04, hedlong 07202, 08604, head reg., -es reg., foreheades 26423, godhead 03125 et pass., heuely 08825, -e 35627, heauy reg., heauines(se reg., heuëly 32136, heauen(ly, heauens reg., let reg., leat 32124', 32332, 32603, 32931, 33030, 33408, -e 32926 (2) 28, 33028, 33527, 33601 30, the) read(sea 30230, stede 37327, steede 36114, stedfast(e 17513 +(5), -ly 04917 +(3), -nes 17007, 28116, threatned 15115, threatnynges 22713, tread inf. 10420 28, treadeth 10417, wealth 07104, wether (MoE. weather) 29114 21. b. in Romance words: endeuour 31719, indeuor 15102, gehusye 05318, lenen 14613, leauen 14011 15 1 7 20, leauë 14020, unleauened 29214, measure reg., dü)pleasure reg., realmfe reg., treasure reg.. In most of these words the shortening took place in the ME. period. This was certainly the case before long consonants and consonant-groups (except lengthening-groups), and in the antepenultimate. In some cases there is evidence of shortening before single (or short) consonants. Cf. Jordan § 23—24. What has to be explained in the case of such words is the occurrence of e- and ea-forms, side by side, in the text, the e-pronunciation being fully established already in ME. In the case of other words, however, this e-pronunciation is a later development, which requires fulï discussion. Cf. Van der Gaaf, Neophil. V, 333. A. breth, breath. The OE. form was brat:b, in ME. the word was presumably long. MoE. has [brep]. The eMoE. spelling breth points to shortening, but the time when it took place is difficult to ascertain. Moreover, there is the ea-spelling. If it is true that many «a-forms are merely inverted spellings for e in the 16th c, it would no longer be necessary to explain apparent length in many cases. It is, however, significant that, in the present text anyway, ea is only found in words which had originally e: both in rootword and derivative. This points either to the existence of a long form in the derived words or to a conscious or subconscious influence of the spelling of the root-word on its derivatives. In the case of breath the assumption that ea stands for e does not explain the shortening. In eME. the shortening of WS. brae:b would lead to brab, non-WS. bre:p to breb. It is, however, far more likely that it is an eMoE. shortening. dredefulfl, dreadefull. The first form may be variously explained: a). e in this position usually stands for e:(>i:) in our text; b.) the final e may be a mere tag, hence we may have dred. It is, however, not impossible that e: is meant, though it is not usual in this text to indicate the e:-sound~in this way. That it should represent e: (> i:) from Anglian e: (cf. Jordan § 49) is not very likely, since there is no evidence of such a form anywhere. The most likely explanation is e, which would be a late shortening, either in dread itself or in the derivative. Dreadefull would then represent the long form. Such a shortening must either be derived from the Anglian form in e:, in which case it originated in the compound and in the preterite and past participle of the verb ; or it is a late shortening, parallel to the shortening in bread and tread. read, redde (pp.). In this word the ea-spelling in the past participle, usual in the text, is undoubtedly an inverted spelling owing to the present and the infinitive. In weapon ea may represent the old WS. singular type wstpen, which did not ultimately survive. The normal development of the Anglian type would lead via we:pen, we:pnu, wepne, wepnes, wepenes, to a new singular wepfejn. 6. Cf. OED. weapon (s.). 1 wxtpen, we:pen, 4 wepene, 4—6 weppen. The plural in OE was normally identical in form with the singular, but in the lOth and llth c. forms with final u occur. In Layamon c. 1205 the plural is usually wepnen. From the beginning of the 14th c. the plural has in ordinary use been formed with the suffix -(e)s. Compare also the verb: wx:pnian, 3 wepne(n, 5 weppen, wepen, 6 wepon, weapon. OED. B. The words mentioned sub B, with one or two exceptions, require no special discussion. They are, most of them, ME. shortenings, in which ea is an inverted spelling. It is extremely unlikely that health and cleanse should have had long forms by the side of the short ones. The ea-spelling is probably owing to the "words heal and clean. Lest in The water in the fonte shalbe chaunged euery moneth once at the lest 31437, may be a ME. shortening of the e;-type prevalent in Kent and along the East coast. It is, however, more likely that it is due to the conjunction lest, which owes its short vowel to unstressed position. Cf. Jordan § 155 Anm. and OED. Zeasf, superlative of little: 1 lz:st, 2—5 leste, 3—i laste, 3—7 (rarely 8) lest; lest conj. 2 pi leste, 3, 5 last(e, leste, 4- lest.) In alredy e may represent either the long or the short vowel. Ea in shead and sweat may represent the survival of the old long vowel; bloudshedyng is not conclusive, since it may represent either e or e:. Cf. OED., which does not give ea-forms of this word in the 16th c. in Standard English, and also van der Gaaf, Neophilologus V, 341, who mentions sheed in the pp., and refers to Price. Price noted the form shead once in the Geneva New Testament and sheading, once each in Cranmer's, the Geneva and the Reims New Testaments. (Price. History of Ablaut, etc.) C. a. The words mentioned sub C. a. may have either a long or a short vowel. It is noteworthy that a word like death, if shortened in ME. cannot have shared the general shortening which took place shortly after 1000, for the smoothing of e:a to a?.*, subsequently e:, is much later. Cf. Jordan § 23, Anm. 2. Thérefore the change, if Middle English at all, is independent and much later. The short vowel in death is sometimes explained from ded, which in its turn is explained from the inflected form of detdly, viz.: dedli-e (trisyllabic). It is, however, obvious that very usual words, like death, dead and deadly would have prevented the influence of a comparatively rare form. This explanation would, thérefore, seem rather forced, and it would, perhaps, be better to assume an eMoE. shortening in the case of these words. 7. What holds good for death, may also explain breth, q.v. In Esterday we may have a late shortening owing to the disappearance of the secondary stress in the third syllable: 'e: aster deeg '> 'x:sterdêeg' > 'e:sterday' > 'etsterday > 'esterday. Cf. A similar explanation for Edward, Jordan § 23 Anm. 2 ; § 32 Anm. 2. In the other words the long vowel may be represented ; read sta is a noteworthy example. The proximity of the ea-spelling in sea would suggest a similarity in sound, and, though consistency in spelling is not a strong point in the text, this is by no means unwarranted. A long vowel would be historically correct and is retained in the surname. Cf. OED 2—6 read(e. 'The shortening in the adj. is parallel to the cases of bread, dead, lead. sb.' 8. Though an explanation of the short vowel in red lies not within the scope of this work, it might be pointed out that the short quality in this word may be owing to. the comparative and superlative which would have a short vowel in ME. Hence this case would certainly not be parallel to dead, as the OED. suggests. Bread apparently has e:. The short form is difficult to explain. 9. It is said by Jordan that the shortening of OE. vowels in special positions took place before the change of x to a, which is dated about 1100. He adds 'so ist die Kürzung spatestens in den Jahrzehnten um 1000 anzusetzen'. § 23 Anm. 2. In the same note he says that the shortening was also possible in later times under special circumstances (Edward). It is, however, certain that it must have taken place at a much later date in many groups of words. Words which have a vowel resulting ultimately from OE. e:a, in a great many cases have not got the a-form which would result from the development e:a > x: > x > a, in which the shortening, according to Jordan took place about 1000. It is true that this development does occur (Orrm dxpp), but the usual shortenings are e-forms (death, dead, etc). So the shortening must have taken place after x: had been narrowed to e:, which change is dated at the earliest in the 12th c. Jordan. § 81. But this also involves that dredde (by the side of dradde) is not necessarily an Anglian form. It may very well be a late shortening. In heavy the e:-type may have existed by the side of the e-type. Heavines(se may be explained as having an inverted spelling. A blend between he:vy and hevines is of course also possible, but less likely. Stede (OED. 1 stede, 2—6 stede, 3—7 sted, 3, 5—6 stedd, 6 stedde, 4—7 steede, 6—7 steed, steade, 5 stead.) may represent either e or e:. The e-type is generally explained from the compounds stedfastly, stedfastnes. Steede represents the et-type. The word 6reasr is regularly represented by the short type, which arose in ÏOE (Jordan § 84 Anm. 2. eo > ö > e). The ea-type was, however, found in the 15th c. (Jordan § 281) and it is unlikely that ea had become an inverted spelling for e: as early as that. It is not impossible that, owing to the existence of bretst, which would survive in the inflected forms, and probably give rise to a new singular, a blend arose: brest-bre:st-bre:st. Cf. also Van der Gaaf, who says: 'In late ME. and early Modern E. there seems to have been a tendency to lengthen e in this position (i.e. before s and st) in Germanic words.' Neophil. V, 335. 10. It is not necessary for the e:-form to have existed as late as the 15th c The blend may have arisen much earlier, and have survived, or even ousted the e.Mype. Beneth is difficult to explain. The normal development would be e:, leading to MoE. i:. It is, however, not impossible that this development represents only one type, and that by the side of beneoban there arose a form beneobn, owing to enclitic use, the stress falling on the following word, as in beneobn 'hine; this form would develop into benedn. There is of course one objection to this : syllabic n was not lost in Middle English, this form would thérefore har dl y develop into beneth. In bene: oen, however, the n would regularly disappear, and so would final e. Hence a blend might arise: beneth. Wealth probably has an inverted spelling, or is owing to weal. Tread and treadeth represent the normal development. The short form may be owing to treddle. OE. has tredel and tredan (OED. 1 tredel, 5 tredel, 6—9 treddle). Tredel would be lengthened only in the uninflected form. The inflected forms tredles, tredle may have given rise to tredpl > tred], which in its turn may have caused a form tred. It may be objected that treadle is not a usual word, being rather technical, but it certainly was far more usual in former days than it is now, and it may also be argued that, in the spoken language anyway, it was more usual than the verb. Hence such influence is not at all impossible. Leatfe represents the normal development of OE. lae:tan, unhindered by the analogical preterite lette. In geate we probably have a blend between ye:t < ME. $e:te < OE. setan (non-WS.), and get < ON. geta. Wyld mentions the coexistence of the two forms, quoting Price; Wyld, SHE. p. 214. 11. The usual, but by no means general, occurrence of e (ior older e:) before d, t, and th, has sometimes led to the assumption of an eMoE. shortening in this position. Luick also mentions this shortening but gives no explanation. HG. § 525. C. b. The ea-spelling in Romance words. In in-, endeuof u)r we may have either the long or the short vowel; gelousye probably represents the form with the short vowel. In lenen, leauen, we probably have e:, due to lengthening in an open syllable (levain > leven > Is:ven) though leuen may of course represent a type with syllabic n, or an inflected form, in which no lengthening took place. In realm the long quantity is due to smoothing of a diphthong (OF. reaume, realme, reialme). The OED. mentions as the earliest forms used in English: reaume, 'which appeared also in the reduced forms reame and reume. The more etymological spelling realm 3 appears somewhat later and did not finaüy become the Standard form till about 1600.' Measure, pleasure, treasure, though apparently on the same footing, are not so historically. In pleasure the e: arose from the smoothing of ei. Treasure is a case of lengthening in an open syllable: tre-'sor > 'tre-sor > tre:sor. Afterwards the suffix -sure (-ziur, -$u:r) was substituted and the word became: tre:ziur, tre:$mr. Cf. Jespersen MEG. 2.735. Measure is explained by Jordan. (metsüre, -our). § 225. Jespersen says that Hu = OF. u does not make the preceding vowel long; hence we have short vowels in.... measure: leisure, pleasure and treasure originally had no u; all of them had, or might have, a long vowel (leisure a diphthong) in the first syllable, but now have short [e]' (Jespersen, MEG. 4.723). It will be clear that Jespersen is not quite correct in putting treasure with original e, on a level with pleasure, in which the original vowel is e: < ex. In one case the long, in the other the short vowel needs explanation. Jordan and Jespersen do 'not agree here. Jespersen resorts to iu to prove that measure had e, and to suffix-substitution to explain the long vowel in treasure, and also in pleasure and letsure, which is obviously unnecessary in the last two words. Jordan's statement about the open syllable in me:-süre is far more convincing ; sj, si would belong to the next syllable. In that case the lengthening does not depend on the -or suffix, According to Luick, plesaunt, lesir (-ure), and plesir (-ure) acquired the short quantity owing to the influence of continental French, at the time when the accent was shifted forward. Length would only have survived in such words as were usual among the lower classes. (HG. § 422. a.bc.) It does not seem very clear wny short French quantity should have been introduced at the tune when the accent was shifted forward, the less so as this shifting of the accent was one of the conditions for the lengthening of the short vowel in words like measure. The word devil occurs only with e: deuil(l, deuel(l, deuyll, demls. So the sound represented is probably not e:, but e or e:. (OE: dewflas > de:vles and by analogy: de:v\. Jordan § 23 and Anm. 1; de:vles > ME. de(:)veles. Jordan § 147 Anm. 2.) bury, burie (v.). This word always occurs with a. As the|$* sound did not survive (with its original quality) beyond the 15th c. (Wyld, SHE. § 158), this spelling is merely traditional in our text. Compare also Wyld's History of Modern Colloquial English, in which the author states that 'by the end of the 15th c. the London usage was, on the whole, pretty much as at present, and even provincial documents show the influence of the speech of the metropolis in the distribution of these forms' (pp. 244—5) and 'throughout the 16th c. we find that these forms correspond exacdy to our own usage.' (p. 246). Cf. also Luick, HG. § 287, Anm 3. Though er followed by a vowel is usually spelled er (perish 04711), the word peril is occasionally spelled with a, e.g.: parels 07725 26' 28 (3) 29. The usual spelling is peril 24604, 36014, -s 03105', 34312, -les 03025', 03107', etc. (Cf. OED. 4—6 paril, also 5 per al, -ol, pearl, 6 pearü, pearrell). The various spellings adduced from the OED. prove that the nature of the vowel in the second syllable was very uncertain. The sequence rl would, however, hardly lead to syllabic /, hence the a-type can only be explained from a form like perls, or perles, in which e and r would belong to the same syllable. Cf. querle. Jordan § 270. The e-type peril would normally have been lengthened to pe.Tz'Z. The form peril is, according to Jordan, owing to AngloNorman influence. (§ 225 I, II). Luick contrasts peril, without the change of e to a, to parlous with tautosyllabic r. HG. § 430. Anm. 3. Tautosyllabic er. A. in Germanic words. The following list contains the various forms in which words which had -er in ME., occur in the text: barne 07405, -s 20202, derlyng 12418', derth 16317, 25219, dearth 24111, early, earely always, ferre 34102, farre reg., harde pp. 20707, heard reg., shepeherd 10727, -es 04508, 06019, -e 12532, shepherde 09825, sheparde 07409, shephard 15121 24(2), -e 15126, shepehard 15131, shepeheard 16822, -es 06009 18, shepheardes 23610, herdman 24335, 33510, heerd 07133, -e 07135, 07201 02, Herford 00422, herken 03930, 04117, 24102, harken 09326, hearken 23330, hert(e, -es (10), hertie(2), hertely(l), hartfe -es (44), -ye, -ie (7), -ely, -üy(3), heart(e -es (107), -ie (2), -ed (2), hart f=deer) 35604, lerne 33317, learnfe, -ed, -ing, -yng reg., potsherd 12407, sterre 35325, -s 02434', 35325, starre(s 03910', 04530, 06133, 06308 13 15, 25125, swaruefd 19903, 21011, warm always, vineyard always. 12. In the following words ar may derive from OE. ear: derkenes 35522', 36417, darke(nes(se, darcknes, darkened, etc, reg., marke 03815, -es 21122, -ed 20527. Dark derives from OE. * dearc (Jordan § 67 Anm.). Cf., however, § 270, where both dark and horvest are quoted as examples for the 15th c. change of er to ar. For mark see BT. mearc, mxrc, and OED. 1 mearc Anglian merc, 2 mare. Cf. also Luick HG. § 430 Anm. 2 and § 188 Anm. 1. In the case of horvest OE. had hxrfest and herfest. The examples which have ar only, owing to the 15th c. development of er to ar, and which also have ar in MoE., need no comment. The ear-forms represent types with long vowels, probably due to lengthening. In early the long quality may derive directly from OE. s:rli:ce. Cf. OED. 1 setrlv.ee, 4 eerly. Heerd may be a direct development from OE. he:ord, without shortening of the vowel. Cf. OED. 1 heord, 5-6 heerd. The form hard pp. shows the natural development of ME. herd, which, owing to the influence of the present and the infinitive, was ousted by the form herd spelt heard. In the text the ar-forms are, on the whole, more numerous than the er-forms, especially in far and hart. Ear usually occurs by the side of the two other forms, once by the side of ar and twice by the side of er only. . The word earth comes in for special discussion. It occurs in the following forms: earthfe (64), earthy (3) ; yearth(e (53), yearthy (3), yearthly (1) f yerth (2), yerthquake (1) ; eyarth(l) (probably a pnnter's error for yearth). 13 The distribution of these forms is sometimes curious, earth, for instance, occurring in 24808 and 09, whereas 24820 and 23 have yearth. Likewise 35020 has earth, 35017 yearth. In 35336 we find of the earth, yearthy, in 35402 the earthy.... are yearthy, and in 35404 again the earthy. The inflected forms of OE. eorb were lengthened to e:orbbetween the second half of the 8th and the first half of the 9th c. (Jordan § 22), though the lengthening was by no means universal (Bülbring § 287). Anyway, the coexistence of a long and a short form is quite possible. The form e:orb- would develop into e:ro-. Towards 1400 e: became a rising diphthong, especially in the West-Midlands and in the South-West (Jordan § 283) hence: yeïrö-, The form e.*rö- would develop to e:rÖe at about the time of the change of er to ar. These two changes are dated by Kluge as beginning in the end of the 14th c. and continuing in the 15th c. (Kluge, in Pauls Grundrisz I, § 97.) Cf. also Luick HG. § 431. A form ye:rthe may be a blend between yetrthe and e:rthe. It may also be a Kentishism. Here the development would be much older, vi«. llth c. (Jordan § 82). e:o > i:o > 'i:e > i'e:. The short form yerth might be a blend between the form érth and yetrth or yerth, and would be normal itself in a compound (yerthquake). The development of er to ar in this word was probably prevented by the existence of the e.T-form. 14. Wyld thinks that the form yearth is a Kentishism, SHE. § 228. This may be the case. Another diphthongized form (yere = ere09526) can certainly not be explained in this way, as this word never had a diphthong in Kent. B. In words of Anglo-Norman origin: In many of these words the change of er to ar seems to have taken place in Old French. ('Vor gedichtem r erscheint a statt e vom XIII. bis XVI. Jahrh.' Meyer Lubke § 100). The following words always occur with er: certeyne, concerne, dyuerse, dyuerslye, erre, errour, eternaü, feruenüy, -nes, mercie, perceyue, perfite, perfecte, perform(ed, -fourm(e, persecutours, -ers, personfe (s, persuaded, -swaded, peruert, preseruer, sermons, serue, seruaunt, terrours. ar always occurs in : farme, pardon, partakers, particuliarly (= particvdarly), warre. Words which have er, ar (and ear) are: clerkes reg. (27014'), clarkes 28625' 32', clearkes 27009', herberous 16116, ieoperdie 35304, jeopardyes 07726 27, meruaïled, -uayled, -ueüed, -uaylous (15), maruayl, -ueil, -uayled, -ueüed (4), peraduenture 37113', paraduenture 35122', perks 24914' (MeE. pearls), pertaineth 07114, -teyning 33725, partaynyng 13425, parterurs 18215, querel 07311, rehersed 28218, rehearsefd (4), serche 06310, 27321, unserchable 34223, searchefd 00307, 35103, unsearcheable 06218, sparsed (= dispersed) 14904, vertues 07932. The er- forms are by far the more numerous. It is remarkable that even in perfite, which already had ar in Old French, par- has been replaced by the Latin form per-. (The form perfect also occurs: 15711). . _.«, Words üke serve and certain are also remarkable for in Old French they already had ar by the side of er (Meyer Lubke § 100). These are cases of the reintroduction of -er, owing to the influence of continental (standard) French (Luick HG. § 430.), or - and this is more likely in this case, - of Latin, in which language the clergy were of course well-versed. The ar-forms are probably Anglo-Norman, so they do not illustrate the English change er > ar. 3. ME. i. ME. i is regularly represented by i or y, e.g.: hilles, sinnes, linnen, sprinkeled, bitter, gift, thynges, lynnen, gyfte, spirites, consider, minister, deliuer, delyuer. The word little is usually spelled litle or lytle 11309 14015 et pass It seems doubtful if i: is represented in this word. Doubhng of consonants was not nearly so usual as it is now, so the^ sound represented may very well be i. It is of course ,ust possible that the uninflected type (ly:tel > Uttel) survived ^ f e as the 16th c and then got mixed up with the inflected type litle thus giving nse to Ivtle, but this cannot be proved. Simüar blends are, however, not unusual (cf. heaven, head). Cf. also Single and Doublé Cons P;,53 and OED. little: 'modern dialects that are marked by a large sound element in the vocabulary mostly have the vowel long, the pronunciation being la:t'l or the üke; this seems to point to influence from the ONo. U:tehY There is no example ülustrating the opening of i to e. 1 In letany(e, the e-form is the only one in the text: (29126' 30', 36105', +6 times.) This form is from mediaeval Latin letama (by the side of titania), whence also OF. letanie. OED. Besides occurring in the regular forms with short i, some^words occur in forms which show traces of the lengthening of i to e.. The snelline used in this case is te or e, e.g.: "\ „ P 2ü36806', prieson 11618', 24017, 35024, -er 06203, 11116 prieuely(e 05028', 06307,16727, 24006, prieuily 05802, ktendled 07014', (kindled 11103', kyndle 11033) ME. kind(l)en 'to set fire to'a), to wete 19325'. The i'e-spelling, though not very usual in the text, is sometimes used for words with ME. e:, e.g.: priest, field, etc. With regard to the words pity, prison and privy, it may be said that in this position lengthened forms with e: occur, especially in the North. Jordan § 221,226 Anm. This lengthening seems to have spread Southward. Bülbring § 36. Anm. 1. Cf. also Luick, who dates the lengthening in the 13th c. in Northumbrian, HG. § 393, and Studiën pp. 131, 134 and 135, where Luick quotes pete for pity already in the oldest texts and adds that it becomes more and more frequent; afterwards ei is found in Scotch texts (sometimes ie: cietie). This does not explain kiendled, which may be an inverted spelling or a printer's error. The form is not found in the OED. Women. The regular form of this plural is women 05435' et pass. By its side we find the spelling weomen 05501', 11307', 23410', 33321', 35902', weomê 11311'. (OED. 6—7 woemen, 5—7 weomen). Of this form Wyld says 'this form shows the change in first syll. which we make in speech, but do not express in spelling.' SHE. p. 233. This is probably not correct in so far as it suggests any effort, subconscious or otherwise, on the part of the author or the printer to bring the spelling into harmony with the sound. The form is indeed a compromise, but merely a compromise of spellings. The fact is that the originals, in this case the Great Bibles, had wemen. All the above-mentioned instances of the eo-spelling occur in lessons or quotations from the New Testament, except 35902, which occurs in a heading. Now, the spelling used in the Prayer Book itself being women, this led to the compromise weomen, which in one case, 35902, seems to have been extended to another place. Cf. Introduction pp. XIX ff. and table VI. The influence of labials on the quality of the following vowels is found in the form bu(s)shop, which occurs several dmes in the text: Bushop 30910', 31805', +5 times (O), Busshop 31711', 32314', 32401'. 3) 07014 if his wrath be kiendled(yea but a litle). Cf. Vulgate: Cum exarserit in brevi ira ejus. Ps. 2, 13. 11103 coales that ye haue kindled. 11033 ye all kyndle a fyre. The form bishop does not occur so often: 00435 29603', +(2). Cf. Wyld, who mentions that the u-type occurs frequently from the 15th to the beginning of the 18th c, aod concludes that it is not always a vulgarism, from the fart that it occurs at least 19 times in a letter by Cranmer of the year 1537. HMCE. p. 229, The fact that it is found in the Prayer-Book would seem to confirm this. Since-sence. By the side of syns 02626, since 34027, we find the more usual sence 04010', 10507', + (6). The e-form can be explained as a development of Mwctan or Kentish eo (sibban > siobban, seobban). (In Westsaxon a-umlaut is absent before dentals. Bülbring § 235. Before long spirants the umlaut of i took place in Southumbrian (except of course ui Westsaxon). Bülbring § 246,336. In Southumbrian (also in early Kentish) io became eo. Bülbring § 237, 238). This eo may have become ce and afterwards e. Jordan § 74. (In Kentish also, e is more common for OE. eo than ye, ie. Wyld SHE. § 168). The i-forms are from the Westsaxon type sibban, which in London was not ousted by the e-type. (Chaucer siJPen,sin. Jordan § 74. Anm. 2.) The i-type may also be a MidlandAorm, as the doublé consonant gready prevented umlaut. Jordan ibid. Cf. also Morsbach. Ueber den Ursprung der Enghschen Schriftsprache . London Documents: sithen (2), sithe, üth, as against State Documents sith seth, and Parliamentary Documents syne (2) and sethe. (p. 54). The frequency of the e-type in the text is probably owing to dialectal influence, either from, the Midlands or Kent. The word build regularly occurs as buylde 22016' et pass. Since ME. y did probably not survive the 15th c. (in some parts well into the 15th o' Wyld SHE. § 158), it may be assumed that this is merely a traditional spelling. business 06514' et pass. This word always has u. The spellings found by Morsbach in the London Documents are y and i. The coalescence of ir, er and ar. There is but one example which gives evidence on this difficult pomt, namely: bloudthursty 07920', and this is not very conclusive as it may represent the^ype which developed from OE. pyrstig. If so, it would be a dialect form For the rest the state of things is, on the whole, the same as in MoE.: la. ME. ir < OE. ri: bird, third. lb. ME. ir < OF. ir : mirre, vyrgyn, infirmities, affirmed, sir, syr. 2. Note the form fyrkyns and cf. OED. 5 ferdekyn, ferken, 6 fifyrken. 3. Vertuefs 13713 +(7) and vertuously (2) represent the OF. form vertot. 4. Sirname 11432', 23218'. This is an adaptation of the French surnom. 'The spellings sirname, sirename are due to etymologizing alteration on Sir sb. Sire sb. quasi 'father's name.' OED. 2. ME. er. For ME. er see er > ar. 3. ME. ar. This sound is represented in the following words: a. from OE. var: burne (OE.pp. burnen), cursse, furlonges, turtle. b. from OE. yr: churche, further, murther, barden, burthen. c. from OF. ar; korte, surples, murmured. d. from OF. ur: curteous, purge, turne, furnished, scorge, iorneying, performe, forme, pourge, scourge, courteous, iourneyed, perfourme, enfourme, fourme, refourme. For a discussion of the spellings u, o and oa in French words see u or ut. 4,OE. yr. The distribution of ir(yr), er, ar for OE. yr is the same as in MoE.: a. birth, first, gird, gyrd, thirst. b. burden, burthen, church; further, murther, murder. c. mery. The exceptions are: bloudthursty, stiere, steare (by the side of stirre). The verb stir (QE. styrigean, ME. styriefn, stire(n, stirre) occurs in the following forms: stirre up(pe 23025', 37103', stiere up 22033', stiered up 24710', steare up 11101'. The vowel, whatever its quality, was originally short in ME. The i-form was subject to lengthening in the North. Jordan § 70. According to Luick, monosyllabic stir was not lengthened, bisyllabic it became e:, e.g.: ste:res in the 13th c. HG. § 393. This would explain the ie-spellings, which in that case, would stand for e:. The OED. has ïa) 2—4 sturie, 4 styry, 3—8 stire. 3—7 stère, 4 stère, 6—7 steare. The 0-forms are considered chiefly Northern'. It should also be noted that Morsbach found stired, steryd and stered in the London documents (1384-1430) Morsbach. p. 39. The e-forms may represent Northern et, which by this tune (ab. 1400) might have penetrated to London (the lengthening took place in the 13th c. North, and in the second half of the 14thc, South of the Humber). They might, however, just as well stand for e:, a lengthening of South-Eastern e. This would explain steare. The form steare might be explained otherwise, by assuming that the change e:r > e:r also took place in words in which e:r was due to a lengthening of ir (Luick HG. § 431.). 4.ME.O. ME. o is represented by o, e.g.: God, frost, bonde, botle (in the smoke) 19301, botome, folweth, lot, thornes, borne, home, corne, skorne, horsse, propre, prormse, bodilye, colledges, intollerable, ordre, pollished, exhorte. In hote 23109 it is uncertain whether we have o or ou Cf. OED. 4—6 hoot,-e,4—7 hote, 6 hoate, hot (hote, hoot, hoat) The long vowel came down to the 17th c, but as early as 1550 we find the shortened form hot, hott. Forms like pollühed and intollerable make it doubtful whether we have the short form in folye 37125, oliue 32911, prormse 14710, etc. On the other hand folowe and morowe are decidedly short, though usually spelt with one consonant. (See Doublé and Single Cons.). According to Jordan (§ 227) we have o in closed syllables (propre), if the stress remains in the same place, but ot in so:bre. When the stress was fronted, o was lengthened : fol'y > 'fotly; an inflected form in ME. would have folias. This would also be the case in o:liv, olivas. By the side of yoke 03714' we find yocke 37023'. ME.has yok from OE. 5eoc (Saxon and Northhumbrian) and ioc (Meraan). Jordan §75, 80. The inflected form in ME. was yo:ke. (Jordan § 80), which gave MoE. yoke. l.Note the forms bondage 05622, bonde vnto the lawe 05624, 05625. OED : ME. bondage adapted from AF. bondage or Anglo Latin bondagium from bond (OE. bonda, bunda), (in AF. bond(e), + -age. 2. Concerning the form platfof ground 23204', the OED. has plat, a collateral form which arose early in the 16th c., apparently under the influence of plat = a surface or place generally. This is apparently from OF. plat = flat surface or thing. 5.ME. U. ME. u of Germanic origin is found in the following words. The spellings are u (iniüally v), o, oo and ou. 1) u in: sunne, husbande, runne, cummeth, summer, lustely, crummes, dumme, a sunder (the long forms crivmb, divmb are not represented); vs, vpon, vnto. 2) o in: tong(ue, commeth, yong, sonne, sondaye, aboue, doues 03729, wolfe 15127, sondery, a sondre, onlesse, wont pp., forowes, woman, woll(e 11404, 24918, wondred, cromes 28533. 3) oo in: Soondaye 06729, 32407, -daies 32504, dooue(s 23013, 31505, a soonder 35629, woolle 36424, woonderfull 35112, woonderously 35129. ■ 4) ou in : toungue 08325 +(6), tounge 19604 07+ (4), younge 14103, woulfe 15129', woules (= woulues or wolues ?) 18726', kousband(e(s, housbandeman (6). The words sub 4 need separate discussion. Woulfe undoubtedly represents short u as If was not a lengthening group. Jordan § 22. Housband also has the short vowel (OE. husbonda, -banda), but in this word ou may be merely a graphic sign connecting the word with house. Toung(u)e and younge originally had lengthening in ÏOE. ore ME., but afterwards their vowels were shortened again. Jordan § 22. Note 1. For Monday, month see ME. o:. ME. u. from Anglo-Norman sources is found in the following words. The spellings are o, u or ou. 1) o in: nombre, comfort, prison, gouerne, honor, common, cosin, sodenly, trompet, norishe, contries. 2) o in: cumpany(e, numbre, number, suffre, publisshed, abundauntly, trumpe. 3) ou in: noumbre, noumber, coumpany, aboundant, trouble, coumfortfe, countreye, troump. It may be assumed that the o u-spelling in these words represents the short a-sound. In AN. words like trublen, scurge, ME. had long forms by the side of short ones. Numbre was short, counseil was long (see u:) ; confounden, abounden were long and their length was even favoured in English by -nd (see u:). Jordan § 229. Wright's statement is somewhat different. He mentions country, cousin, nourish, trouble and other words as having ME. u < u: Among words with French u he mentions number, trunk, pump, etc. (in which u was accented in French) and abundance, comfort, company, sudden, etc. (in which u was unaccented in French). EHNEG. § 67. It is known that ou was used in eMoE. m words which undoubtedly had the short vowel. (Van der Gaaf. Neophilologus IV, 147). The evidence from the Prayer Book is on the whole of a doubtful nature. • • n The following words, however, would be either short onginally or become so in ME.: noumber, coumfort, coumpany, troump and probably countreye. In these words it is certain that ou stands for a. The, word aboundaunt is certainly short, but may owe its ou-spelhng to abound. Other examples of this vacillation in spelling are to be found before r : . , , 4). curteous, courteous, enfourme, fourme, forme, furmsned performe, perfourme, refourme, iourneyed, iorneying, pourgefd, purgeyng, purged, purpose, scourged, -eth, scorged, turne, turnyng. The following words cause certain difficulties, as most of them occur in various forms in Middle or even in Old English. In the present text also, they are spelled in various ways, though these different spellings probably represent one and the same sound in most cases. Forth.. This word occurs in the following forms: 1) . forth (18), henceforth (4), hèceforth (1), forthmth (1). 2) . furth(e (77), hencefurth (8), hëcefurth (1), furthmth (2). 3) . foorth(e (26), hencefoorth(e (3). So the word has 24 times o, 88 times u and 29 times oo. The pronunciation represented by these spellings may be: 1) . in all cases u. 2) . o, u and the u: which developed from ME. o;. OE has forth (before rth we find short quantity. Bülbring. § 286), which remains short in ME. (Jordan § 35), so we may expect an eMoE. form forth [forp], which would regularly develop to MoE. [fo:b]. (Cf. Wright. EHNEG. § 34, which is, however, contradictory to the explanation given in § 116 in which forth is quoted as sharing the development of ME. o:r to o:r. Cf. also EMEG. § 68—9.) The spelling furth undoubtedly represents ME. furth, which is from furthor. Jordan § 35 Anm. 2. This form may also be represented by the forms in o and oo. If this form was the only form extant in eMoE., MoE. [fo:p] would have to be explained as a spelling pronunciation, which would not be impossible since forth is a word which is mainly used in the written language. But the o-form may quite as well have continued to exist from ME. Wright (EHNEG. § 116) assumes a form fotrth subsequenüy fo:rth, but does not explain its origin. A different explanation, but also from o:, is found in Ekwall § 17, 85 (ME. o: > tu). The difficulty in both cases is how to explain o.*. The value u: < ME. o: is sometimes assumed from the spelling oo in eMoE., by Wyld even from this very text (SHE. § 239), but there is evidence enough to show that this proof is far from conclusive. (Van der Gaaf. Neophilologus IV, p. 147: 'It can, however, easily be demonstrated that oo does not always represent a long sound in late ME. and early Mod. Engl.. From about the middle of the 15th century onwards oo began to be used as a symbol for [b].'). Sword. This word occurs in three main forms: 1) . swerde 07106'. 2) . sweord 10831', -e 11715', 12802, -es 09922', 10824' 34', 11721'. 3) . sword 12736, -e 09931' 33' 34' (2), 11625', 21312', 24604' 33', 25228', 26335', -es 10002', 11629', 12418'. Cf. OED. 1—4 sweord (1 sueord, swurd), 3—6 swerd, 4—6 swerde, sworde, 6 sweard, swtxrde, swourd, swoordfe. So the spelling sweord(e is not mentioned in the OED. after the 14th c It is possible that the form sweord, like weomen is merely a blend of the two spellings swerd and sword, though the originals mostly have sweard, rarely swerd (Cf. introduction p. XIX and table VI). A discussion of the various types which .might arise in OE. and ME. is not out of place in this case. In West Saxon we find * swerd > sweord > swe-.ord > sweord > late WS. swurd. Bülbring § 268, 341. The Saxon Patois of the Blickling Homilies has swéord. Bülbring § 268 Anm. 3. In Southhumbrian Anglian the development is: * swerd > sweord > swe:ord > swce:rd > swe:rd. In Northumbrian we find^ partly the same development, but swetord became swo:rd in late Northh. Bülbring § 265. The change of weo to wo did not take place in Mercia or Kent. Bülbring § 268. In ME. these forms lead to: swurd in the South and in general in the Midlands. Jordan § 66 Anm. 3; swotrd in the North. Jordan § 22 and swe:rd in the East Midlands. Jordan § 84. The NoE. Midlands have swotrd. The West Midlands preserve swce:rd till in the 14th and 15th centuries. Jordan § 84. So the text has one East Midland form (swerde), which even in Chaucer's time was usual in London, and which by th* tune would have become swetrd. (Cf. sweard in the Great Bibles ; tabTheVform sword may represent [surd], w having been assimüated to the following vowel. It may thérefore be assumed that^this is the West Saxon type, which in ME. seems to have occurred in the Midlands as well. Thirdly there is sweord, which may be a mere spelling compromise. It is, however, not quite impossible that it is a survival - even if only in spelling - of the West Midland «'-type. Last of all, the form sword may represent the Northern o:-type, the prototype of the Modern form. Cf. Van der Gaaf: earl,r Mod. E. sweard (sweerd, swerd) has been ousted by sword. Neophil. V, 150. Word. This word occurs in two main forms: 1) . word, -e, -es (111) e.g. 18225'. 2) . woord, -e, -es (69) e.g. 18222' 24'. These spellings may represent o, u and eMoE. u: < Mb. o.. The question has been discussed by Van der Gaaf, who says. i does not seem too risky to assume that the spelling woord was meant to denote [wurd].' Neophilol. IV, p. 149, and that 'the pronunciation [word] continued to exist by the side of [wurd] till after the beginning of the 17th c.' (ibid. p. 150). Bülbring mentions the lengthening in OE., which gave wo:rd, with narrow o (§ 285 Anm. 1.). Moreover he mentions its occasional re-shortening and the change to wurd in 1WS. (§ 341, 281). Jordan says that the lengthening remained before rd (wo:rd etc.) and that this is proved by the 15th c. spellings woord, koord, foord. (§ 35). In view of the above-mentioned remark by van der Gaaf this evidence is doubtful. Jordan also mentions the form word > wurd as arising in OE. ( § 35 Anm. 2). The existence of this form is proved by the ME. spelling wurd. Van der Gaaf, ibid. 150. It is thérefore clear that historically o, u and u: are possible, and the spelling does not prove which of these actually existed» Work. The usual form is work(e, both for the noun and the verb. There are, besides, many examples with oo and two with eo: 1) . workfe, -es, eth, -yng, -ing (64), e.g. 30623'. 2) . woork(e, -es, -eth, -ers (23), e.g. 33520. 3) . weorkes 12712', 16425' (both occurring in quotations from the New Testament). In Germanic there were two types, one giving Old Saxon wirkian(I), the other Gothic waurkjan (II). Type I led to primitive Anglian wiurkjan, which gave Mercian wircan [wirt/an]. Bülbring § 201, 493. Type II (*wurkjan) led to West Saxon wyrcan [würt/an], Northhumbrian wyrcan, with palatal k. In laWeSa. wyrcan [würt/an] may have become wurcan [wurt/an]. Bülbring § 280. The Kentish form wercan [wert/an] may have arisen from either type (I or II). Bülbring § 262. Anm, § 263 Anm. 1. In West Saxon the noun was: weorc (in 1WS. also rarely worc) ; in 1WS. weorc became wurc, Bülbring § 268 ; worc also would have become wurc in 1WS. ibid. § 281. In Anglian we find smoothing: weurc > were. Hence. ME. shows the following division: wurk and work are found in the South, whereas the Midlands have werk (Jordan § 15, 66.), by the side of the Saxon forms. Ibid. § 66 Anm 3. The North has wark < werk. (Cf. the Latin Primer of 1538 werk, wark ; table IX). Moreover, the consonant of the noun was introduced into the verb, so that we need not consider the consonants. Both work and woork may represent Saxon [wark], though work mav also represent [work], The ferm oor* may be explained as a spdlmg-compronuse between work and Midland werk [> wark], and need not reflect aSLnt pronunciation. The difficulty in this case is, however that wherea! in the case of weomen and sweord the originals ) had e o ea, this is not the case here. The Great Bibles regularly have o nor s * found in the English Primer of 1546. It should be noted Zt ** -peiling also occurs in E™™' ^™> printed by Whitchurch in 1548. (Cf. Table IX. weorkyng, Sta»;. It may be that the eo-spelling in our text is merely Zng to the facithat the printer occasionaUy mtroduced it here ako by mere force of habit. But then its occurrence in the Paraphrase needs explaining. The fact that eo is only found after w suggests that « may, atter all not be a mere scribal compromise entirely unsupported by an '"^ZmZts we became wee in ME Jordan * 33 Anm. * Rounding of e after w (we > w_eo owine to a-umlaut) became u>o, so : uwold > worold, worold. § 266. Southern NoSiumbrian has weoruld, Kent and Meraa have eo 5 268 In early West Saxon worold, worold is usual by the side of In late West Saxon weor+co?. > war, but vowel remains, hence Alfric worold, weoruld. § 268. Patois has uwfuJZd, but only a few times weorfoj/d. § 268 Anm. 3. Patois nas u>or( ujiu, , w-Einflusz erschemt Compare, however Jordan § 73 Anm.1. unier ~~*) The Great Bibles, as in this case ; see table VI. auf Grund von ae. worold südlich WML. world (wordl), sparlich im Norden world, unter dem sich aber jedenfalls südlich auch die Lautung (wurld) birgt. Vgl. wurld in Vesp. D XIV. Diese Lautung ist wohl für Ch. und L. Urk. anzunehmen'. In view of this, and of the MoE. pronunciation, it may be assumed that o stands for u in this word. Note 1. Wormefs 12321', 25134', also has the late Saxon change yr > ar: *wurnüz > wyrm > wurm. Bülbring § 280. Worse. The forms are: worse (3) e.g. 13524'; wurse (3), e.g. 32710'; woorse (3), e.g. 32717'. These spellings can hardly represent anything but a. OE. has the following forms: Anglian : *wirsira > *wiursira > *wursira > wyrsa. Bülbring § 262. In Kentish y became e. Bülbring § 263. In West Saxon: wiursira > wiersa > wyrsa (§ 263 Anm. 2, § 273). In 1WS. this became wursa (§ 280), hence ME. wurse. Jordan § 70 Anm. 2. The Anglian form leads to wurse, wirse. Worship. This woïd occurs in the following forms: wurship, -shyp, -shippe, -shipped, -shyppyng, -shyppers(19) ; worship, -shyp, -shipped, -shypped, -shyped, -shippyng, -skipper (20) ; woorship, -shyp, -shipped, -skippers (7). The word is derived from OE. weorbscipe and needs no special discussion. The spelling probably represents u. Worth, worthy. These words occur with o or oo: worth(e adj. (2), subst. (1), un)worthy, -ie, -ye (21), un)worthely(e, -ilye (9), peniworth (1) ; woorthe (1), woorthie (4), un)woorthines (2), woorthelye (1), peniwoorthe (1). So the words are spelled 34 times with o and 9 times with oo. The forms of worth (adj.) which occur in OE. are: West Germanic *werba > *werp > WS. weorö > 1WS» wurd, Saxon Patois eor. Bülbring § 268. Anglian has weorö. § 130,132. In late Northumbrian iveorö became word. § 265. Worthy and the noun worth have the following forms: *wirbja > *wiurbi > *wurbi > wyrbe> wytrbe; wytrb Wdevdopmcnt took place in Anglian and Kent (Bülbring §262), and Kent moreover has the change of y to e. In WS. the development is: *kuutöi > wierbe > wyrbe , IWS. wurbe. . , _, • According to Jordan weor became war. In ME. ur is found m Z Soul and in genera! in the Midlands, wor in the NortM" Anm 3. So the South and the Midlands have wurP, the North Zrp, and IWS. wurpe. Jordan adds that ME. wurthe is later on ousted bv the a-stem wurth. § 70 Anm. 2. So it may be assumed that the text has «-forms in these words. 6.ME. a:. , , . There are no indications of the change which took place in the oronunciation of this sound. It is regularly spelt a: 1 name, whales, hate, Made, chastUe, hast(e, tast(e, paste, nature, vapour, fauour, aswage. The spelling does not give a clue to the development of the a.r- group either : carefful, fares, warely, declare(d. There is not one example of aa. Note 1. For the quantity of the vowel in host, paste, etc,, see Jordan § 224. Anglo'-Norman au for Central French S is regularly represented bY achaunge, -inges, -es, -ers, etc, daunger, daungier, reg., auncient, straunge, -er, maungier, maunger. By the side of these forms a is occasionally found : Y chambre 04003', 08230, chambouryng 03632; chaber 10636 The word angel shows an ovemhdming proportion of a-spellings (U 10). These may be due to the influence of Latm angelus, Gk. Syytio?- Note 2. Note also save (v.) 02120'. 7 ME e'. *ME.c- had by this time been raised to i: (Wyld SHEL §229, but the S offers but scant evidence of this fact, and this evidence may even be explained otherwise. The usual spelling of the sound is e, ee ; ie is not used in all the words in which it is used in MoE. Words like thief, belief, grief, field are not regularly spelled with ie, and though ie is the regular spelling in shield, it is not the exclusive spelling. Instances: fete, beseche, grene, spede, swepe, seke, kepe, depe, thefe, weke, kneele, weeke, greene, weepyng, feet, reede (MoE. reed), trees, meeke, feldfe reg., shelde 04209, yelded 10331, fieldefs 06125, 12110, 20206 09, 24318, shielde reg., beliefe 31907 23. In Anglo-Norman words ie is far more usual: priest reg., mischiefe, chiefe, piece(s, grieuous, griefe. By the side of ie, we find e-or ee-spellings in some words: peece, pece 14803, greuous 27127, -ly 06907, greuefd 02218 et pass., discretly 30737, releued 09134, feble, procédé. Note 1. People is always spelt with eo. The ea-spelling occurs only once in a word which undoubtedly had ME.e:, viz. in feade 16316'. This may be an inverted spelling. Preistes 30908' (OED. 4—6 preist) may be due to ei-spellings in other Anglo-Norman words. The word shield which regularjy occurs with ie and occasionally with e, has also a third form: shylde 15905', 20022, shilde 21310. (OED. 4—6 s(c) helde, sheeid, 6 schield, shieldfe, 5—6 shild, shyld). This spelling may indicate:' 1. the change of e: to it. 2. an old i.*-form from the WestSaxon type scield > scvéld > scüld, scydd. The fact that the z'-spelling only occurs in this word makes the second explanation the more likely, though, of course, the survival of the Saxon type is difficuh to prove at this time. Cf. the forms quoted from the OED. and Jordan § 79, who says it occurs in Trevisa and adds that these forms occur in the 14th c. in South West and East Saxon areas. Swet bread 10603', by the side of swete bread 09731, 10628 may be a ME. shortening swe:t > swet, though e in this position occasionally represents e: (teth 16007, words in -ld). The shortened type may even be represented by swete, in which case the ftnal e would be non-functional. The word euil occurs with 2 different spellings in the first syllable: etui (20), euül (33), euylfs (15), euel(l), euell (4). So 73 times with e in the first syllable. eitdl (3), eiwit (7), altogether 10 times, with ei in the first syllable. The first form may represent e:, e: or e. OE. has viel, which in ME. would lead to an e-formm Kent, Sussex, Surrey(?) and the SE. Midlands, espeoally Essex and sXkVpardy Norfolk. (Jordan § 40). This e,which^already.occurs in OE. (Jordan. ibid.) would, after lengthening, lead to: e.vel. An i-form would be found in some WS districts and » Northumbrian (Bülbring § 161 Anm. 2, Jordan § 41) already m 10E. In ME the t-forms appeared fust in the NE. Midlands and in die No^ They spread to the West Midlands Wh,) and £ *e South, and reached London about 1300: ivel .J^* North i was lengthened to e: in open syllables m the lSth c, boun of tne Humber, mainly in the E. Midlands and middle South, m the second half of the 14th c. This would account for «»* Hence the e-forms may represent: s:vel (original e-areaL,nflected forms evle, leading to a new uninflected type: evel, and e.uel (original i-area, with subsequent lengthening). Apart from the preponderance of i in the second syllable, which is norwhony unimportant, there is another factor which would Ld to the assumption of Northern influence (hence e:), rather than Kentish influence {e:), in this word. ïhe ei-forms can hardly be explained as J^T* tms text ei only occurs in Anglo-Norman words havmg a traditional eÏpXg ApLt from the hapax preüt, this *^ «^ff fór eTSher in the text. It is, however, weU-known tha^ the No** £ was a sign of length. So ei, in this case, might stand for e:. Jordan The eT-spelUng in this word may thérefore be an indicaüon NorTne^i nSnce, whether of collaborator or of prmter is ^TS-speUing representing e:, may also be explained otherwise, for which see below note 3. TÏie sound represented is « > to. which is deadedly also the sound represented by the e-spellings. Note 3 Cf however, Van der Gaaf. Neophil. V, 338. 'In 16th o E^heigenZly sttnds for a diphthong, as in ME.; occastonally f^l^\(feild,sheüd, yeüd, cheif, beleive, etc)/ Professor Van S Ïave as his opinion that the «-spelling in English words t^ef-^l Ïalready found in ME., and espeöally in 1ME. — was due to the frequent occurrence of this spelling in Romance words, in which the «'-spelling for e; is again due to AN. usage. In that case the «'-spelling in «'tn7, though «presenting i: < e:, would not point to Northern influence. 8. ME. e:. Words which in Germanic had au, usually have the spelling ea, though e-spellings also occur: Easter reg., great(e, greater, greattest, leape, leafe, leasing, east; sheues, seme (n.), eche, streme. Words which in Germanic had e or a (with i-umlaut) and subsequent lengmening also have ea as a rule : breake, speake, steale, eate, heale, meate, But: geue. In-these cases ee does not seem to occur. Note 1. For words which were shortened in ME. see ME. e. Get. By the side of the usual form get (< ONo. geta), there is the form geate 32117', which may be a survival of non-Saxon 3*0*0/1 > setan > petten, blent with gete(n), hence ge:te. Cf. Van der Gaaf. Neophilologus V, 339. Give. This verb regularly occurs as geue: forjgeue (inf. and pres.), geuest, geueth, geuing, forgeuenesfse, geuer, etc, forjgeuen (pp.). These e-forms occur hundreds of times. By their side we find twice an i-form in the pp.: giuê, gyuen 13020', 20629'. The noun is always giftfes, gyft. The fact that the derivative geuer 18507' +(4) occurs 5 times, forgeuenes(se 8 times, and thankesgeuing 6 times, shows that the e-form was popular and not a mere archaism. Compounds, though not entirely new, were undoubtedly often re-coined in the mental process of translating the text from Latin or Greek, and would thérefore naturally have the usual and familiar form, not an archaic form of the root-word. For an explanation of the z-forms see Wyld § 356 and Jordan § 189. Jordan explains the z-form from Old Danish givae, which is probably wrong. It is generally assumed that the word is due to the noun gift < ONo. gift (Sw. Dan. -gift in compounds). OED. It is, however, difficult to see how an unusual word like gift could first influence the consonant of a usual word (5eve : geve), and after that entirely supplant its vowel (gwe). 2 The vowel represented is undoubtedly the development of OE. e > ^Tnce not yet i: in the 16th o, but only developmg m that are even more usual. (See Introducüon p. XX). £- from Anglo-Norman sources is spelled either ea, e or ei: ï ^acTreasonaole, appease, season, encrease increase, *m+ pteache, prease, (see ME. e), cease, feast, beast, duceasea T= dSased; 21930, exceadyng 06316, seale, meanes, intreated, [epeated, resonable, egle, exceding, zele esteme, redeme. In perceiue, deceiue, receiue ei is the usual spelling. Note also: deceyuer, deceytes, deceiptful(1 • Occasional ca-spellings occur in these words: perceaue 06411, receaued 11211. For an explanation of these forms see Jordan § 234 Anm., Hom. HNEG t 79 Anm. 2. and for other examples Van der Gaat, Sul V, 337. Cf. also van der Gaaf: 'In the 16th, and perhaps SSÏthe' first half of the 17th c. the two conceave represented two pronunciations [ktnsetv] and [A.nsa.v]. ^Co^, deceit, recei(p)t are explained by Van der Gaaf as due to ^'arogy of conceave, etc, asthere * no evidence of the smoothing of ei in these words. (ibid. p. 339). „Mi Words whose vowel is derived from Germanic at (with sheath; lede 28412. 3 For ME. shortenings see ME. e. Jjord*. « «. An.. 2, i, j*- in London documents. Cf. Morsbacn W' 'l>> <*,.öer „üt occurrence in Parliamentary documents:net hr geschwundener Spirans für ^JgJ^ for this development, and Cooper (Gramm. p. ^) tor urn of nether in eMoE. e:(et) Words which had West Germanic at, and hence xt in West Saxon and et in Anglian, have as a rule no ea-spellings ; the spelling is e or ee, e.g.: shepe, arede (= guess) 10932, 11809, rede 04107, slepe, dedes, sede, euen (= evening), euensong, chekebone, wede 07334, stretes, speche; seede, deede. There are but two words which are usually spelled with ea, viz.: yea 02521 et pass.; only once ye 06404', and the verb to reade 02307 et pass. (Cf. however, the meaning 'guess' with e.) 4. Seat is from the ONo. sxti; see e:. The form leatfe which occurs 13 times by the side of the usual form let (for quotations see e) is from West Saxon Izttan (Anglian lettan). The OED. mentions only 4 leet(e inf. and pres., 3—5 leet pret., 5 leeten pp., and 6 leate pp.. ME. etr is regularly represented by e:r and spelled er(e, occasionally ver in Anglo-Norman words. Ear(e is, however, the regular spelling in hearefv,), (rarely here 29932) and is not unusual in dearefly, in which word, however, dere is the more usual form; appear occurs both with e and ea, Instances: here (adv.), wery, weried (OE. we:rig; OHG. wuorig), nere 08114 et pass., nerer 03627, chereffulnes, clere reg., fcleare 23002), fierce reg., (fearcenesse 21912'), entierely 28230, pierce, (pearsed 12412', pearced 13216'). The regular use of ea in heare (v.) may be owing to a desire for distinction from the adverb here. In deare, appeare, fearcenesse, pearsed (and perhaps heare) we probably have examples of the change of etr to etr, which was a 1ME. change which only became evident in the 16th c, when the spelling ea was generally adopted for all words having the e.-- sound. Cf. Luick HG. § 431. 5. For entetr (entierely) see Jordan § 225, Anm. 1. The development of ME. etr is regularly spelled ear, e.g.: eare(s, speare 09124, for (heare, weare, sweare. In exceptional cases we find e for the same sound : bering 29208. etr, etr ME. etr, etr (Anglian, Kentish etr, West Saxon etr) is spelled either ear, eere or ere t Fear has always ea; year(e and yere occur ui abouequal proportions ; heare(s (= hairs) 25021, 33307t hures 25104 The words where, there, were are never spelled with ea. It is significant that the compounds frequendy have wher, ther, even wSTfull stress or emphasis. There is very htde co^tency: In line 28535 we find thérefore, the repetition of this word in 28601' has therfore; 28705 has thérefore, but 28816, in which the word occurs in the same position and with the same meaning, ^ProSyMtve shortenings in all these compounds both soeUings representing a half-long er-pronunciation. These shfrtenmgs are probably . of a later date than the change of er to ar and did not develop to ar. There is one example of yer (=ere; 09526'. OED. 4-5 5er(e, ^phSgization of both Ijj and e: took^ace in the^estern oarts of the Midlands and of the South. Jordan § 283. So this is a Western form. Cf. yearth, yerth, which may also be Western forms. Tn a case like yeare, yere one pronunciation, represented both by ear ~£ nfust be'assumed, though it must be admitted that ere is a rare spelling for undoubted a.r-sounds ui our text. In heares and beard(e 23725 26, the sound represented is undoubtedly e:; this may also be the case in heeres. 5. For words which have [a:] in MoE. see ME. er. 9. ME. V. ME. U is regularly represented by the spelling i, y, e.g.: write, thrise, bide, drye, yse, tythe. Late ME. fc, from earlier i:je or i:% (füial), is as a rule represented 5 £ Z:Sh\e%et^so high, hygh, without any differentiation.^ate ME. ut, from earlier iXt, is regularly represented by ight, yght, e.g.: right, ryght, lyght, lighten. We also find ight in some French words, e.g.: delight by the side of delite. Cf. also Consonants: %■ 1 For en see Consonants : g. „,,,,,,„, 2 For giaur* 22025', cf. OED. 3-6 geant, 4-6 ge- gi- gyaunt, 5—8 gyantfe, 6 giant, ME. geant afterwards with the first syllable influenced by the Latin form. Occasionally traditional ei is used to represent the i:-sound: heigth (3). Whether litle 07014', 07122' represents a word with a long or a short vowel can hardly be decided. (See ME. i' and Single and Doublé Consonants.) The verb to buy is always spelled : by(e(th 09302', 11625', 22121', 24922'. So the Midland form is found both in spelling and pronunciation. The word eye occurs as: iye(s 05103 et pass. and eye(s 07610 et pass., the former spelling being about 3 dmes as numerous as •the latter. The spelling eye probably represents the pronunciation e:id; the spelling iye the i.'3-type to which eis developed already in the 13th c. (cf. Jordan § 97, lb.). As such it has but little significance here. A far more interesting point is the use of ie, ye in some words which had ME. i:: 1) . fier 02505', 36330, fiery 21311, 27913, fyer (9), e.g. 11727, fyerbrandes 12720; fyre also occurs 11033', 11102' et pass. 2) . mier (= mire) 14531'. 3) . striefe 11535'. Van der Gaaf, Neophilologus V, 141 assumes that the te-spelling stands for i: : 'The spelling ie, ye for ME. [i>] is met with as early as the end of the 14th c.' In fier, fyer (= fire), hier, hyer (=hire) and desier, Van der Gaaf thinks that ie, ye may stand for [i;], at any rate in ME. He adds, however: 'It may, however, just as well have been introduced to denote [ia]; this is almost certainly the meaning of ie in fier, which occurs several times in Genesis and Exodus.' The former explanation would also hold good in case of the form strief, though the OED. does not mendon this form until the I6th c. It is, however, not quite out of place to ask if ie in fier and mier does not represent ME. e:, which developed to eMoE. i.\ These words have OE. y:, which in the e-area would appear as ME. e:. In that case the forms would be due to the dialects of Kent, Sussex, Surrey (?) and the SE. Midlands. 3. Qoter 02104', by the side of qmre 27717' 18' 20', shows the doublé development in the case of narrow Anglo-Norman e.-. It is parallel Zbrlle, fre:re, by the side of brier, friar. The form amere probably stands fór ME. e: > v. It may, however, also represent the development of a diphthong in the ME. tV-form. U is not impossible that these AN. words influenced the spellmg of words üke fire and mire in a general way. The form heigth shows a spelling which either reflects hi:P or Thf development was : ( Anglian *heht > hiht > hi:t. 10E. he:hpu > hehpu \ Saxon *heht > heiht. Hence this form has the Saxon spelling and the Anghan pronunciation. It is remarkable that -ht, the condition for the change of ent, has disappeared again, owing to suffix-substitution. 10. ME. o.\ ME. o: is represented by oo, ooe, o, oe, ou, u, e.g. l looce, tooke, moone, good, twoo, roote, foolish; shooe, dooe, rote, loke, do, shote, two, wombe, loce ; doe ; floudes ; fluddes, etc. The word blood only occurs with ou: chei1vn0 bloudfe, bloudy, bloudthirsty, -thursty, -thnstie, -shedyng. tVio «irl*» of floudets (4 we find fluddes (7). In mie two words there is a clear indication of the narrowing of o'tc Z Thich took place in the 15th c. It is all the more curious that the ou-spelling did not surviye. In some cases it is uncertain whether u is stül long. The symbol u regularly indicated the short vowel. The digraph o„ might ako indTSshort) u. Hence the short vowel is probably represented Hotud Silcertainly in flud. As there is very little, reason •» doub a parallel development in these words, it may be assumed that u occurred in both words. ■ rannot Whether words like other, mother have u: [< o:] or u cannot be decided from the spelling, which is always the same as in MoE. 1 Note the form prof ie (= proof) 29320'. ^ Sê ^iJprof, pro}} in the 14th & 15th centunes, ^ not later. The single o either stands for o:, which .s unusual in tlns position, or for u < tv. Cf. Sco. pruf(f. OED. Too (adv.) is regularly spelt to 23309 et pass,; too is «j/^J Wood 06126, 23515' shows the lengthening of u > o. discussed by Luick. Untersuch. § 36 ; Jordan § 38,3. In moneth 00604' 07', 00814, 23404', -es 00605' 11' 16' 17', et pass., we have either o: > u:, o or (analogical) u. ME. has motneth, which, in inflected forms, must have had a shortened form monethe(s. ME. motneth may have developed into motnth (after the period of shortening in this position), which would lead to mutnth > munth. Cf. Wyld SHE. § 236, Horn HNEG. § 103. The form monethe(s would give rise to a new singular moneth; munth possibly to muneth. The form Monday 10410', 16512' is found by the side of Monedaye 14119. The o in the first form may represent o or u. (In the second form the e may be traditional; hence o may have the same value as in Monday, but it may also stand for o;.) So Monday is either an example of the shortening of OE. and ME. o: to o or of the eMoE. shortening of u: to u, MoE.[a]. It cannot be decided whether it is indeed the prototype of the MoE. form. Cf. also Jordan § 24, § 35 Anm. 2. Mo(:)nandai > Munandai (Gen. and Ex.), and Horn HNEG. § 103. 11. ME. a.% ME. o: is regularly represented by o, in some cases by oe, oa, rarely by oo, e.g.: abrode, goste, ghost, stom, clothes, behold, wroth, throte, lo, hope, alone, othe, none, coles, combe, cloke, sobre, hoste; toe, woe, goe, moe ; moost 29520, hoost es 16222. The oa-spelling is still comparatively rare. The only examples are: abroade 05223 +(2), boast(est 04815 +(1), broade 19506, coales 06825 +(4J, coardes 06932, coate 11625' +(3), coastes 05519 +(6), goates 09417 +(3), loaues 09308 +(2), roare, roaryng 03912 +(3), stoare 27620, uproare 09711. In some cases it is doubtful if o: or o is meant: 1) . hote (a.) 03802, 23109. 2) . shone 04510. 3) . /, they wote 11001, 12126. o:r, o:r. ME. o:r is represented in: doorefs (16), dore(s (6), floore 36329, poore reg., whoremöger 08918, and in boorde(s 10706', 28526', 37408', bomde 09715r bord(e 17403', 28615', 27411'. The nature of the sound is difficult to settle. It is generally assumed that it remained o:r, but a spelling like bomde suggests a change to u:. The OED has: 1—7 bord, 4—7 boord, 5—6 boorde, bomde, 6—7 bomd, 6 bomde, 6- board. North 4-8 burd, OE. bord. The form in ME. was bo:rd, owing to lengthening in OE. Jordan § 35. The spelling bord is not clear and may represent o;, o: or u (half long). Wright assumes a change of o: to o: in ME. EMEG. § 68-9 In that case bomde is probably a dialectal development. Cf also Wright's Dialect Grammar, which mentions the form in u is occurring in many dialects, mainly Northern and Northwestern. ME. o:r is represented by oor, or, and oor, e.g.: 'sore 06936, soore 04215, more, roare, uproare. The oa-spelling in these words points to the open nature of the sound. Cf. Ekwall § 76-78. 1. In sory 10708' the vowel may be «. (See Doublé and Single Consonants.) The oa-spelling in coardes 06931 points to a long vowel of an open nature. Wright suggests that it had a long o:, which became o:. EHNEG. § 116. 12. ME. tu. ME.u: is represented in the following words. The spelling is ou, in some cases ow: , loude, mouthe, foules, cloudes, doune, roume(s, ™uchsafe mount, croune, counseü, countenance, towne, howses 28926, stowped doune 13905, power. The word counciüor, counsellor once occurs with o: consailor 12220 accomptes 19006, 33835 occurs by the side of accoumptes 21533. In ME. these words had either long or short u. Jordan § 229 Perhaps the o-spellings represent survivals of the forms with_ short u. It l also possible that they are inverted speUings. The digraph ou often stood for u, by the side of the o-spelling. Hence o may have been used occasionally for u.\ 1. For yougth 33725, plowed, plowers 22216, see Cons. 2. For mpt in accoumptes see Cons. The vowel in youth is not quite clear. Cf. Hom HNEG. p. 92. Anm.4. ME. u:r. ME. u:r is represented in the following words. As a rule the spelling is oor or ower, e.g.: mourne 17926, mourning 05525', 08219', showers, sowreth 14015, courtes, course, floure (= flower) (4), hower 28711, howre 28715 (by the side of houre). There is one case of or : morne (= to mourne). The forms which in MoE. have aua could only arise from u.\ Hence they could only originate in two cases: a) . u: followed by final r. In that case it had full length or nearly so: fu:r > four > fouar. b) . u: occurring in inflected forms, in which the following r belonged to the next syllable: fu:-raz > fou-raz, (fourz) and, perhaps partly on the analogy of four > fouar, fouarz. This development is not to be expected in those words in which ur was followed by another consonant; in that case u would be so short that the development to ou was out of the question. Hence this half-long u developed in a different way. (MoE. o:). The shorter quality of the vowel in words of this category is ülustrated by the spelling morne, in which o would stand for u. 1. In saying 'Vor rn erhalt sich Lange in.... mournen' (Die Entwicklung bis zum Ende des 14. Jahrhs.), HMEG. § 38, Jordan probably means comparative or half-length. 13. ME. ai, ei. These ME. diphthongs had already coalesced in the second half of the 13th c, so the coalescence need not be discussed here. The spelling of the sound which resulted from them in eMoE., is very much the same as in MoE. In French words there is a greater propordon of ei, ey spellings. Instances: way, unfained, hayled, straightway, raised, naye 07334'; neighbor, eyght, reysed; vain, plain, payn, playne, praye, faülest; perteinyng, ordeyned, certein, cöteined, obtein, reigne, conueyghed, reynes (= reins, loins). The verb weigh is still regularly spelt without gh: waye 00426' et pass., waiyng 28316. In the noun, however, the spelling gh is usually found : weyghtes, weyghtye 14217', 37106. A form like streght way 10828', may be due to Northern influence. Cf Wright. EDG. strext south-north Sco., north-mid. Sco., streixt Shetland Islands and northern ^orthumbm The word keyes always appears m this form (24807). By the side of the form neüher we once find nether (see page 32). . By the side oi master(s we find maister(s, which occurs about twice as often as the former spelling. The ai-form is derived from OF. maistre, which coalesced with OE. meester. Jordan § 233 Anm. 1. ^ns+c°^"^ smoothed to a in the 15th c, hence master (Jordan § 284 Anm. 2), from which the modern form is derived. Probably maister is a mere spelling survival in this text. ME. air, eir. . . Before r the vowel is regularly spelt ai, ei: heirfe, heyr(es, their ayre; prayer, praier. 1. The form manslear 17520' 21' should not be looked upon as an example of the development of ai to The originalform was sim, Zr%L the verb slee, slea) : OED. 4 5 sleer, ^J^^f slear,6-slayer (the compound manslayer is found a htde ear er)^ 5ï2nsle(e)r.The form maarfayer is, in fact, a younger form denved from the new formation slay (v.). 14. ME. au. ME. au is represented in the following words. The spelling is s^ .osn,, «~ ~« 04331, Pauk, author, au(c)thoritie, assautes 31723 26, faute(s 12005 26, 15108, auriculer 27429, taughte, daughters. The form assault(es 02824, 08712 is from assaut (with vocahsed Z) and had its / inserted from L. saltare. Jordan § 240. Fau/te i3005' shows the same insertion. In exalted 03002 we have a form which was not borrowed from early French but probably from Latin or, less probably, the later French form exalter. OED. L. exaltare Cf. F. exoltór 16tii c. Littré. For doughter 21930', 22006', with late oa-spelhng, cf. Jordan § 287. 15. ME. e:o. . ME.o and AN. y: had already coalesced in ME. in^popular speech and by 1400 both had developed into i:u. Cf. Jordan, who assumes medium length in the first element, § 230,239,289 Footnote. On the whole the distribution of the spellings ew, eu and u, ue is the same as in MoE., with a slightly larger percentage of ii-, ue- spelhngs in English words, e.g.: newe, neunes, trewe (rare), Tewesdaye 11013, drew, renuefd, drue 12229,20419, Tmsdaye 14515, true, truth, trueth, tru(e)ly; duefly, duty, duety, used, sure, suerty, -tie, Ebrues 00629, Hebrues 07717, rebuke, endue (3), fruitefs, fruytes, Jury (rare) 12007, 24419, 25223, Jewes, Jewry, exchew, endewed (rare) 31602, Matthewe, tieutenaunt. By the side of the usual fruite, fruyte, we also find fruict(e(s, fruycte, fruictfull, in which c is a Latinism. That it should ever have been pronounced is unlikely. (See Cons.). Wether ue in suertie(s 24722', 30622' points to the development of a murmur-glide or whether it is merely the usual spelling ue for e:u (cf. tru(e)th. etc), can hardly be setded. 16. ME. s:u. ME. e:u is represented in the words: shewe (only form), fewe, dewe, hewen; beutie, beutiful. The spelling is ew, in words of French origin ea. 17. ME. oi. ME. oi (ui) is represented in the following words. The spelling is either oi or oy, e.g.: ap(p)oint(ed, annoyntfed, assoyle (= absolve) 21831', voyce, destroy. Whether we have oi or ui in some of these words at this time cannot be decided from the text. Cf. Jordan § 237. 1. Note the late survival of assoyle, even in clerical circles. 18. ME. ou. ME. ou is represented in the following words. The regular spelling is ou, ow, e.g.: brought (e,sought(e, wrought(e, noughtfe 16231; trouth 32707' 13' 21', 32825', cf. Jordan § 109 Anm. 2.; poure, powrefd 05320, 09714; snowe, soule, lowelinesse, owne, owe, bowe ia bend their bowe; growe, sowed 07325 26. 1. For dowe (= dough) 14016' 17', see cons. It is derived from the inflected form. Jordan § 113, 123, 125 Anm. 2. For ynough(e cf. Jordan § 125 Anm. The form awne 27431' needs discussion. In Northumbrian a:y became m, subsequently an, hence am(n, «?-*^§ Moreover, in many dialects o:u became au. Thistook place in Kent and E. Saxon among other dialects; aa is ako found in the West Midlands and the South-West. Modem dialects, abc> prove this. Cf. Jordan § 105 Anm and Wright, who menüons that MoE.,. in own is found in many dialects mainly Northern. EDG. It is noteworthy that the form occurs far more frequentiy in the Commulon ServTce of 1548, from which it probably got into the text. See Introduction p. XX, and Table VIII. The word soldier occurs as soaldier, which is the regular form, and as soldiour, which occurs only 4 times, e.g. 13112. The AN. form was soudm. The I ts probably not_due to Latin influence in the 16th c, as Wright suggests, * llurZuïeour, OF. soldoier soudoier < solidme. The pronunciation without l is still tn vulgar use very bte. Cf. Joncss Satement 'in souldier sounded soger.' Practical Phonogr p. 64 Whether there ever was a spoken form in^ Late in the 15th c. ol became oul (Wright HNEG. § 103, cf. Wyld 5^42%, so that by this time anyway there was only the form souldiour by the side of soudiour. The derivatives of four cause some difficulty. They are: fourth 04114', fowerth 32727, 32801, forty 08425, fourtte 08426'. -tv(e 02218, 08525' (2). In ME 'JïL foW9r and four, but by the side of it owmgm the influence of ƒ and weak stress fuwer >J™'<*]^£ § 109 Anm. 2. Either of these pronunaations may be represented ^"X^.* *e «-long jSLL (Cf. co**,. Wright^ =MoE - from ME ou +final r has become o9(o:J, as m /our, uu MoE ^' . before r +consonant, as in fourteen, fourth. In forty ï£ MoE bid short o, -niditabe-le^t» , agam FHNEG § 131. K that statement is true, the 16th c. spelling /ourtifwould have to be explained either as a traditional, or as an analogical spelling. WEAK-STRESSED VOWELS. 19. ME. a. In weak-stressed position ME. a is found in the following words, the change to a dull sound being in many cases often a ME. change : messenger 04112 (OED.: F. messager, ME. messager: 4—6 messanger, 4—5 messynger(e); sabbothfes 5 times at least OED. L. sabbatum OF. sabat: 3—5 sabat, 4 sabath, 4—6 sabfbjot, 4—7 saboth). MoE. trespass occurs in the following forms: trespaces (2), trespasses (1) (subst.); trespace (1), trespasse (2) (verb). Very probably this is a mere spelling question; cf. OED.: sb.: 3—7 trespas, 4—6 trespace, 4—7 trespasse; verb, 4—6 trespas -pace -passé, from trespass (sb.) or OF. trespasser. 1. For the division of -an-, -aan- in weak-stressed position as in penance 36318, inheritance 07005, seruaunt, etc. see -an-, -aunstressed. The usual form in weak-stressed position is -an-. 2. Drunkardes has the suffix -ara", ME.-ard OF. -ard, -art. The word among is frequendy spelled emong, which spelling betrays the neutral character of the vowel: emong 00303 et pass., emonges (2). The spelling among is, however, more usual. 20. ME. e. The prefix en-, em- (OF. AF. en-, em-) has in many cases been assimilated to the Latin form in-, im-. This is not a question of sound-change, but merely of substitution, though it was undoubtedly conditioned in part by the general change of e to i in unstressed position (see below). Cf. Jespersen MEG. 9.12, 9.13. In some words the two forms en- and in- occur ; in most cases, however, the words have either en- or in-, e.g.: encrease, -eth, -ed, -yng (7), indevor (1), entende, -yng (3), intende (IJ, entente (1), intent (1), encline(d, -clyne(d (4), inclosed (1), indure(th (4), enquired (1), endue(dst (3), endewed (1), indue (1), entreat (1), intreated (1), instaunce(F. instance), inhabiters, -ors (2) (OED. also 5—6 en-, A.F. *enhabitour hom.enhabiter), enherite -aunce (2), inherite -our (2), imprinted (1). 5 The prefix de- has in some cases been wrongly replaced by dis-, dij-. Beyond the rather vague character of the vowel, this proves very little. Examples: (devided, -eth (11) (OED.: ME. de -dividenzd. L. dividere; F. has diviser, OF. deviser)), disceased (1) (= deceased), differ, -ryng, -red (3) (=defer); cf. differeth (MoE. differs) (1). The fact that such mistakes were made, and that probably by the authors, who were far from ilhterates, proves that the quality of e in this prefix cannot have differed greatly from that of i. Cf. Jespersen MEG. 9.12. 1. Note'the hybrid inspeakable (ioyes) 26413. Moreover ME. e needs consideration in the following words: Citezens 22512' is the original form. OED.: AF. citeseyn, ME. citesen. The i-type was found in the 14th c.: citisein, MoE. citizen dating from the 16th c. Enointyng 30820, by the side of the regular annoynte, has the original form (OF. enoint, La, inunctum). The prefix an- is an AN. or Eng. modification, OED. It is not surprising that it should have been so modified, since the word was pronounced a-noint, hence the spelling annoint. By the side of the usual form knowle(d)ge (verb and subst.), we find occasional forms with a: knowlage (v. & subst.) (5) e.g. 02314, and what would seem to be a srjellirig-compromise: knowleage 20632. The form in a is mainly Northern (Jordan § 137 Anm.) with a from at < att. For the influence of French -age in this word see Curtis, Anglia 16, 415. This word might be an example of Northern influence in the text, by no means unparallelled by other instances. Lier has the normal ending of the nomina agentis and not yet the ON. -ar. Cf. Jordan § 137. Anm. and OED.: -ar 3, casual variant of -er, very common in Northern dialects, probably imitating the refashioned scholar for scoler. Linage is the original form: OF. lignage ME. li(g)nage. MoE. lineage appears late in the 17th c. OED. The form phisicion (3) shows that the vowel in the last syllable must have been very dull (Cf. OED. 3—5 fisicien, 4—5 -ian(é), not only in this word, but also in the ending -don in nacion, etc. The word promise occurs in two forms: promes (6) (verb and subst.) and promisfs)es (3) (subst.). The form in e is derived from OF., the form in i is due to Latin influence. (L. promiss-um and F. promesse (13th c), 5—6 promis, 5 promess. OED.). In Ashewedrdsdaye it is difficult to see why i should have been preferred in spelling, since the vowel was not pronounced. By the side of it Wednesdaies is also found. 2. Chapeleyne 37320 shows the uncontracted form, but probably only in spelling. The form chaplain is found as early as the 14th c Jordan § 248. 3. Christen is the old form ; it is used as an adj. (24108) and does not yet take -s, though it has a plural meaning. OED.: OE. disten, 1—5 cristen, 6 christin, chrysten; made a true plural , ab. 1500. 4. The spelling ordeinaunce, -aüce (4) is due to the verb ordeine, cf. OF. ordenance. Final e. Final e (g) had disappeared in the third syllable already from the 12th c. onward (Jordan § 138), and in all cases in 1ME., so that in living speech it had completely disappeared in the course of the 15th c. (Jordan § 290). In poetry 'Chaucer's imitators adopted the final -e as a metrical licence, and only at haphazard did their use of it coincide with its etymological origin.' (Cambridge History of English Literature II, 237). So its occurrence in the present text may be considered merely as a scribal device indicating length in some cases, or as a meaningless relic or even addition. This is illustrated by numerous examples : boke, booke, Churche, ordre, yeare, Lorde, Masse, Baptisme, sicke, daye, firste, grounde, commonlye, a manne, woulde, searche, parte (n.), suche, worde, continuallye, profite, vaine, psalme, bishoprike, etc. The ending -es. It is generally assumed that the vowel in the flectional ending -es gradually disappeared after 1400, while in some cases it had disappeared even earlier, Jespersen 6.16, Jordan § 291. In the third syllable it had already begun to disappear since 1300. So it is highly probable that in most cases the ending -es in this text simply means -s or -z, though of course conclusive proof it absent, since there is no fixed metrical scheme in the psalms, and the greater part of the work is written in prose. In Shakespeare e (in -es) occasionally crops up, Jespersen 6.16, and it might be argued that in liturgical language the conservative tendency to preserve the vowel was present. This is, however, not very likely. First of all, the English Liturgy was something new, which as yet had no tradition, hence no fixed mode of redting. It is true that the anti-liturgical tendenties were not very pronounced in the English clergya) and there is every probability that they would try to invest their new service with all the vocal pomp of a Roman mass, and perhaps even introducé intoning, as is indeed suggested by the rubrics in the book itself (there shall the lessons besongein a playne tune 02306, begynne.... with a loude voyce 02105; distinctely with a loude voice 02232; with a loude yoke 02719), but still there must have been a certain natural bewilderment on the part of the clergy, which prevented any fixed mode of performing the services from springing up and gaining ascendancy as quickly as this. Any attempt at English liturgical embellishment must have been of a later date. In fact, it is known that the tendency of simplification became stronger and stronger in the Church of England during the 16th and following centuries, so that it would not be warranted to assume a definite mode of enounting at this date, unless, as is indeed suggested by contemporary crititism, it were the Roman way, which at that time was slovenly and monotonous rather than clearly enunciated.b) There are in the text numerous instances of plurals in -es (la) even in the third, fourth or fifth syllable, which proves that this e cannot have had any phonetic value. Moreover, there are many Gèrmanic words which have s only (26). All this confirms the conclusion which has been made above. Instances: (la), sacramentes, contentes, anthemes, chapelles, mountaynes, commaundementes, persones, lighteninges. (lb.). imaginacions, persecutors, prisoners, matins, harpers, lessons, penis, porcions. (2a). cloudes, frostes, windes, nyghthes, sterres, buddes, sinnes, thinges, lippes, dayes, gyftes, hilles, workes, yeares. (2b.) chickens, elders, fathers, heauens, waters. ») Cf. Some Remarks on the Edwardian Prayer-book, by E. G. Cuthbert F.Atchley,p.208 of Essays on Ceremonial, Vol. IlIIof TheLibr.ofLit.&Eccl. »>) Ibid. pp. 254—261. The fact that there are no monosyllabic words ending in -s (except seas, trees), shows that the usage regulating the form of the plural ending was fixed at some date between 1300 and 1400. Trisyllabic forms lost e after 1300, and hence also occur without e (see 16); bisyllabic forms lost e after 1400 and hence mosdy preserve e in the spelling, e.g.: psalmes, feastes, actes, signes, beastes, doublés, priestes, clerkes and the instances sub 2a. The endings -ed, -eth, -est. Before d and b, e was probably longest in surviving, Jordan § 291. It is probable that the survival of the vowel in -eth and -est is partly due to the liturgical use of these forms. As soonas -efn had been entirely ousted by -s, and forms like thou makest by you make, the liturgical pronunciation of these endings would become more and more influenced by the spelling. 5. There is little doubt that, if the endings -eth, -est had remained in every day use, their vowels would ultimately have disappeared, as in the case of -ed. The syncope can hardly have taken place unless the weakness of the stress had first allowed the vowel to become as neutral as possible, hence 9. The artif icial(?) preservation of a vowel of a more pronounced character in the endings, (also in -ed), can, however, be proved from poetry, even at the time of Shakespeare. Cf. Accidence: Endings. What the character of this vowel was, is difficult to ascertain. Rimes in Spenser show it as having an undoubted e-sound. The Faerie Queene, I, VIII, 17. bred : hed : sted : saccoured ; 33. answered : red: hed : pourtrahed. Further investigation of this point would be neccessary before definite conclusions could be drawn. The word eist occurs with two spellings: elles 20127 et pass., and the more usual form els (more than 16 times); note also orels, more than 5 times. The e of the second syllable had disappeared already since about 1300. Jordan § 153. 21. ME. i. Weakstressed i is very often spelled e. In many cases the mixed use of e- and i-forms is not due to changes in quality but to the fact that many prefixes occur both in Latin and French forms (see ME. e). In some other words which have now lost i altogether, it is still found in the Prayer Book. In before (OE. beforan, biforan; ME. bi- before(n),eeis occasionally found: beefore 03720. It is not possible to attach much importance to a spelling like this. 1 The use of single or doublé vowel-signs is rather arbitrary. Wee 05621 (2) occurs by the side of the more usual we ; bee by the ade of be ; beefore 03720 by the side of before. There is no hard and fast rule on this point, though it can be said that usage is not in favour of doublé vowel-signs at the and of words. Capitain,- -ayne, 06306, 12804, is a survival of the original form. OED.: 4-5 capitain, 4-5 capteyn. It is not impossible that the forms with and without i suil coexisted at the time, though of course i may be a mere remnant in spelling. Cerimonies 17224 is the old form (OED.: L. caerimoma, OF. cerymonie (probably): 4 een-, cery-, ceremoyn(e, -rnone, 4-5 serimorde, 4—6 seri-, seremonie, 6 cerimonie. Mediaeval Latin often had the spelling cere-, which spelling has been established since the 16th c. in French and English.) By the side of Chapiter(s, Chapter(s is found. The two forms are about equally frequent. The form without i does not yet occur in the 14th c. according to Jordan § 248. The OED., however, gives it as occurring in the 14th c, though with a different spelling. OED : 4—6. Sc. chaptour; 4—8 chaptar, 6- chapter. By the side of the usual form enough, in which e may indicate a vowel between e and i, there are 5 instances of inough(e (5), in which the old spelling has been preserved. Mattens 05819 (rare) occurs by the side of mat(t)ins (25 tunes at least). This probably points to syllabic n by the side of forms mMaarteX an old e-form by the side of i. OED.: 1-6 martir, 3-6 marter, 4-5 -tre, 5 -tier. OE. martyr. Perhaps there was no vowel at all in the second syllable of this word, but merely syllabic r. 2. parttculiarly 27432', is probably a printer's error. The form is not given by the OED. Pigion. After -g we find i instead of e to indicate the quality of -g in the word : pigions 23014. OED.: OF. pijon, pejon: 4-5 pejon, 5 pegion, 5-6 pygeon. The MoE. spelling is due to MoF. pigeon. The use of e in the second syllable of pügremes 15307 (ME. pelegnm pïlegrim), either indicates indistinctness of the vowel in the second syllable, or the fact that e in this position often verged on z'. Plenteousnes, 05903, represents the final stage of development of ME. plentifous (OF. plentivous), the stages being according to the OED.: ivous, evous, voos, ious, eous. The form prymatiue in : In the prymatiue churche there was a godlye disciplyne 36108 is apparently due to the influence of primate (OED). The form surplesfses (5) is the only form found in the text. (OED.: OF. sourpeliz, AF. surpliz: 3—7 surplis, 4—6 surples. The spelling viset 15717, denotes the indistinct nature of i in this word. 3. In paryshoners 34317, the absence of i is old. OED.: 5 parisshoner, 6 parysshoner, -issyoner, 6- parishioner. In adverbs in -ly the preceding vowel is very often indicated by e, whereas the adjective has y, ie, e.g.: bodely (2), bodüy 34420, craftely (1), hertely (1), hartely (3), hartüy 31901', heuelye, mightely (1), mightily 36702, prieuély (2), verely(e (36), warely (3), worthély 06107. In most of these adverbs the t-forms either do not occur at all or are rare. This undoubtedly points to a vowel of a neutral character [9], since there is no reason to assume that z' in this position opened out to e, the symbol e, moreover, being the usual spelling for [a]. It is very natural for weak-stressed medial syllables to have 9, since they are both preceded and followed by stronger stress-groups. Cf. Jespersen. 9.12. Compare also homely(es (3), which shows the same development. 22. ME. 0. Weak-stressed 0 occurs in: damosel 10032, 11003 and in almose 27631. 1. The preposition on has been weakened to an = dn, in: up an hie 23603', from an hye 24504, cf. on high 28616'. A further stage is represented by: a sundre, a sondre, a soonder 33820 et pass.; a thirst 35606, a slepe 35721. The preposition in its weakened form a is but rarely joined to the headword. Other examples are: from a farre 24920 ; who goeth a warfare 27527; and borne a newe of water 30215. ^„TT7 2. Awaite, in they lay awaite 23618, is a substanüve: ONF. await, aweit: 4—6 Mwayte, aweyte. ME. o is represented by e in provestes 37309. 23. ME. «. Weakstressed u occurs in: manhoode 03312 16, bride- brydgrome 06723, 08230. The adjective common (OF. comun) and the verb to commune, to common, OF. comune-r, AF. also comone-r had already got mixed up in ME. Cf. OED.: adj. 3—6 com(m)un, comune; verb to commune: 4—6 comune; verb to common: 3—4com(m)un,4—6 comon, 4—6 comen -yn(e.) The forms found in the present text are: adj. adv.: common (2), commonly (3), commune (1). verb: common 04002, -ed 11433, 14406. In all these cases the verb means : 'to hold intimate intercourse', e.g.: common with your awne hearte 04002. he.. commoned with the hye priestes 11433. they commoned together & reasoned 14406. The sound was probably not syllabic n, but an. Cf. MoE. koman (Jones. Pron. Dict.). 24. ME. e:. Weak-stressed e;. In the endings of Romance words e: is regularly represented by citie, unitie, prosperitie, captiuitie, aduersitie, infirmities, iniquitie, vanitie, humÜitie, opportunitie, deputie, nattuitie. Occasionally we find e: equite 22107. \ . . The sound in this case was v, which had perhaps already been shortened to i. The development of MoE. i in these words is conditioned by the prior narrowing of e: to fr. There are some instances of the eMoE. differentiation of the earlier suffix -ance, namely -ancy (Latin -antia) : temperancie 19932, (common in 16th c. OED.), ignorantie 20822, (16th c. OED.). A long vowel (U) is probably represented in the following words : Galile (3), Saduce (1), Pharise(s (4), Pharisee (1), Phariseis (13). •(OED.: 3 pharise, 4—6 pharise, -isey, 4- pharisee.) 25. ME. e;. Weak-stressed e: is found in there, ther(-) and where, wher-. The form ther occurs by itself, though it is extremely rare, e.g.: But they are al gone out of the way, they are altogether becü abominable, ther is none y doth good (no not one) 06528. wher- is only found in compounds. In compounds both forms, with and without e, are found e.g.: thérefore, -in, -of; therby, -fore, -in, -of, -unto; whereas, -by, -of, -to; wherby, -fore, -in, -of. -soeuer, -withfall. In many of these compounds therfe, wher(e is fully stressed and so the full form might be expected. The fact is, however, that the spelling does not reflect this state of things, ther- and there-, wherand where- being used without any difference in emphasis. It may thérefore be concluded that actually mere was no difference either, both forms having a vowel which was not a full-length vowel, but which on the other hand, was longer than a short vowel. This vowel did not share the development of er to gr. It might be argued that de development of er to ar, which would take place in a short form (ther), might have been prevent ed by the existence of the long form, but the spelling does not show that any such differentiation existed, as may appear from the following instances: Therfore iudge nothing before the tyme 04028. Whosoeuer thérefore resysteth power, resisteth the ordinaunce of God. 07030. The second example undoubtedly bas less stress. Therfore, if thou offerest thy gift at the alter, & there remembrest that thy brother hath ought agaynst thee, leaue there thyne offer yng 18407. therfore I hote all wicked wayes 19630. And thérefore the Lorde shall geue you a token 23332. Thérefore if any here be a blasphemer, aduouterer, or bee in malyse or enuie, or in any other greuous cryme (except he bee truly sory thérefore, and earnestly mynded to leaue the same vyces....) 27126 et seq. Graunt vs therefore/therfore (gracious Lorde) so to eate the fleshe 28535—28601. Cf. also 28705 and 28816. ....became the creature is subdued to vanitie, agaimt the will thereof 17919. ' But rather seeke ye first the kyngdome of god, and the nghteousnes thereof 20217. Though the waters therof rage and swell 09109. And when he/he had tasted therof, he would not drynke 10301. Wherfore, if we be dead with Christe, we béleue that we shall also lyue with hym 18322. Wherfore thinke ye euill in your heartes 20926. In the case of where, e-forms are rare in the compounds. Still they they are found: Wherefore shall the heathen say 25324. 26. ME. ai, ei. The digraph ei, ey is still fairly usual in weak-stressed position: money, iorneyed, iourney, countreye(s (2). In Anglo-Norman these words had eie ; in C. French ée.i(Jesp. 9 31 and OED.) Both sounds would have been reduced to i. (OED.: é-6 iorn-, 4-7 iourn- 4-7 -ey -ay, 5-6 -ie, 7-8journy; money: 4—6 mone(e, monye, 4-8 mony, 5-7 monny, 6-7 morne.) In many words the spelling ei, ai is preserved traditionally. (See syllabic l and n). But e is also found: parteners 18215, forener 22511. Sometimes i is found, as in perfite (4). 27. Aphesis. Aphesis is found in the following words: dropsie < ydropsie 20519, prentises 34212, sparsed < disparsed 14904, stablishe(d, -yng 34212. Probably also in: , courageth (v.) 24924. OED.: perhaps pardy aphetic (in EngJ. or AFr.) for acorage, OF. acorager. 1. Knowlage, -lege, -ledge (v.) (12) e.g.: 02314 29, 05209, is not a case of aphesis, but the old form: ME. knowlage (v.). 2. Gendreth 23813 in: . . the trying of youre faythe, gendreth pacyence is from F. gen(d)rer, 3.' EspedaUy (1) is the adverb belonging to ME. and MoE. especial (OF. especial OED.: 4- especial). By the side of it spectallye * found . 28020. (OF. especial, L. specialü) MoF. spécial assimilated to the L. form. OED. CONSONANTS. 28. General Remark about the Use of Single and Doublé Consonants. Final doublé consonants are found in many words in which MoE. has a single consonant, e.g.: buriall, continuall, eternall, faithfull, ioyfull, bountifull, originall, painfull, vntytt, etc. Note however: vntil 05620, deceiptful, immortal. On the other hand a single consonant is often found where MoE. has a doublé consonant, e.g.: godlines, busines, wilder nes, wantonnes, righteousnes, al, shal, cal, wel, dwel, til 05816, fel 06317. By the side of these forms in single /, U is occasionally found, e.g.: shall, caVL In some words the doublé consonant is final in pronunciation only: horssef cursse 10104, but curse 06635. Many of these words originally had final -e, which may account for the doublé consonant: sonne, confesse, abhorre, sharpenesse, sitte, felowshyppe (by the side oifelowshyp -ship). After the quiescence of e it might be dropped in the spelling. In some cases the doublé consonant was subsequendy simplified, in others it remained traditionally. In medial position the use of doublé consonants was by no means so extensive as it is in MoE, e.g. : borowe, folowe, -ing, sorowefs, sorowful, bely, botome, halowed, morowe, sory, arowes, felow(e(s, -ship (twice with 11), mery, peny, skatereth, -ed (rarely tr), sparowe, swalowed, cary, caried, maried, mariage, comö, baren, compased, disanul, disapointed, folye, maner (but also manner) tary(e(d. The words of Germanic origin for the greater part originally had consonant + y. In that case they had a single consonant in ME. pronunciation. As to peny and felowes, these words originally had a long vowel. Scater has obviously not followed the other r-types, which usually have doublé consonant (see r). All these words (except perhaps sory) have short vowels, but the doublé consonant, which in ME. was generally introduced to indicate short quality of the preceding vowel (cf. Jordan § 157, Wright HNEG. § 53), has not been introduced. 1. The spelling wholy (2) confirms that the simplification of the doublé consonant was early. (OED.: 'as early as the 14th c; 4—6 hoolly, holy'.) ... , i 2. Sory may be a late survival of the form with the long vowel. Cf. OED.: 3—5 sory, 3—7 sorie, sory, 6 sorye, soarye. 3. In stubbernes 36401', curiously enough, nn is not found. In words of French origin the single consonant is in most cases due to the open quality of the preceding syllable in Old French. When the stress was shifted to the first syllable in ME. the result was lengthening in the case of a, e, o, but not in that of U a in Southumbrian. In many words, however, owing to the influence of continental French or of inflected forms, the short vowel was restored or lengthening prevented. Jordan § 221. The use of a single consonant in these words proves nothing as to the nature of the preceding vowel. If words like shadowe, sparowe, swalowe, halowe, which undoubtedly had short a are spelled with one consonant, there is no reason to assume length in words like baren and maner. Concerning words like mannier, matter, etc, Jordan remarks that their doublé consonants are not to be considered as indicating length in the consonants, since they did not arise until the 15th c, and served to indicate short quality in the preceding vowel. Jordan § 157, 222. It would seem that such short quality needs a further explanation beyond that of the influence of continental French (if active at the time), or of the inflected forms. Such inflected forms would, in the case of manner or matter, have only two syllables after 1400, if shortening owing to word-length stül took place as late as that. In that case it would be necessary to explain the short quality of the vowel as arising at an earlier period when such words actually had three syllables in the inflected forms. But then it may be objected that the doublé consonant only arose in the 15th c. * There is however another alternative. When the stress ih ma- neer was gradually being shifted to the first syllable, it is likely that there was a period at which the word was even-stressed: 'ma-n-'eer. This would lead to doubling or lengthening of the medial consonant, because if the stress is on the first syllable, there is a tendency for the medial consonant (after a short vowel) to form part of to that syllable and if the second syllable is stressed, the consonant will tend to form part of the second. Hence the shifting of the stress must have caused doubling of the n, i.e. it became an n with a decreasing and increasing impulse: man-neer. Under these circumstances lengthening of a would be impossible. The single consonant spelling in these words would then be merel y traditional, and this is not unparallelled, e.g.: disanul (OF. anuller) disapointed (OF. apointe-r), which undoubtedly had short a. In some words derived from French, the doublé consonant is actually found in the text: proffytable, intollerable 37018, pollished, mattins, -yns, -ens (by the side of the more usual traditional spelling matins). 4. Afraied, afrayed, afrayde (6 times) by the side of affrayd, affraid 04511 12 shows simplification of the 'doublé consonant, which is probably partly due to the fact that the origin was lost (OF. affray) and a was mistaken for a prefix. 5. The spelling braceUets 32809 is curious. (OF. bracelet. 5bracelet. 6 bracellette. OED.) Generally speaking the consonants were not subject to such considerable changes as the vowels during the transition from Middle English to Modem English. Thérefore only such changes as did take place and such points as deserve special interest will be discussed. 29. p. There are some instances of the tendency to insert p as a kind of glide between m and t which was common to Old French and Middle English. Most of these occur in MoE. also (tempt, empty) and need no comment. The following forms which have not survived, probably show the insertion, though Jespersen 7.71 explains them as Frenchified spellings: coumpted (2), accompte (2), accoumptes (1). Words like conceite, deceite (2) are never found with p. Curiously enough deceiptful(l (8) is found by the side of deceytfull (1). This p, due to the influence of La. decipere, was probably not pronounced. 30. b. There is evidence of the assimilation of 6 (whether original or a later development) to preceding m. This assimilation dates from ab. 1300. (Jordan § 211, Jespersen 7.51): crummes (2), döme (2), dumme (2), clime(th (2). But lambe (3), in which* was probably not pronounced either at this date. ^rj-^-cn Cf. Wright, who places the assimilation in early MoE. EHiNhAj. £ 211 As a learned insertion due to Latin, 6 is found in doubt(e(s (5) and debt(ers (only forms). Instead of the Latinized form absolve assoyle is found: 21831. 31. m. r , Conforted 05526' and en&raced (2) are found by the side of the usual forms in m. (L. confortare, OF. cunfort, confort, 3 cunkunfort, 3-4 cumfort. OED.) (OF. embrace-r, 4-5 enbrace, 4-6 embrase. OED.). In the first word n is old, in the second it is probably due to the influence of F. en. Note that the OED. does not mention its occurrence in the 16th c. 1 By the side of the usual form from (ON. frd > ) fro (7) occurs. This form is also found in frowarde 16725, frowardly 08012 . For syllabic m see p. 70. 32. w-wh. . .. , Whether w was still pronounced before r connot be deaded from the text. It is never omitted: bewrayeth 10104', wrong, etc. w and wh are not always kept apart, e.g.: Witsonday (2). 1. The spelling wh had not yet been introduced in hol(e)some 26003', 30306. It occurs in whole and wholy. 33. f-v. The sound v is represented by the letter u, imtially by v. 1. By the side of vouch(e)safe(d (9), vouch(e)saue(d (5) is; found, in which u is probably a mere graphical alteration (OED.;. The form vouchafe 36510 shows assimilation of s. Similar forms are mentioned in the OED., though at a later date in English. Cf. 5 Sc. wichauf ; 7 voutchafe, wow-wouchaife, wouchaiffe. In the reflexive pronouns of the plural the spelling ƒ has in many cases not yet been entirely ousted by u, which is the more usual spelling. The sound represented is v. our-, your(e-, them-, thèselfes (13). 2. The form oure sdfe 02202 is a survival of ME. our(e) self(e, selue(n. ƒ instead of a is also found in olife 32911. There is as yet no differentiation between the preposition of and the adverb off, e.g.: feil of from his handes 24711. cut of 25901. 34. t. There are some cases in which the spelling th is found for t, vis.: Cathechisme 00215, Sathan, Satha 08614, 09013, 29728 and throne 05505. In the first word the spelling is due to med. Latin cathecismus (L. catechismus, ME. catechism) ; in the second th is already found in OF. (L. Satan, OF. Satan, Sathan, ME. 3— 7 sathan. OED.) ; in the third word the ta-form is also found as early as the thirteenth century (OED. 4 thronus OF. trone, ME. 3—throne). 1. In Matthewe 25528' the spelling tth is due to Latin Matthaeus. The various forms are: Mathie 23123', -s 23021', Mathias 23224', Mathew 25605, Matthewe 25528. By the side of the historical forms sixt 10321', 11228 and eyght 06022', sixth 23404', 27 is found, on the analogy of seuenth 21404, nynth 10322 (2), etc. The words height, drought occur as heigth (3), e.g.: 20323' and drougth 08329. ME. already had t owing to dissimilation in the 14th c. Jordan § 205. The spelhng th (the pronunciation probably remained t) is due to the analogy of length, depth. Cf. Jespersen 2.624: 'in the 17th c. often analogical h(e)ighth.' In middest 06506, 07020, 09108 14, t is owing to sandhir after the disappearance of e since the 15th c. Cf. Jordan § 291, 296. In kynredes, kinreds 06113, 12435, 24411, d has not yet arisen. In aduoyding 29211, d is due to a mistaken notion. The prefix a (ME. and AN. a- = OF. e-, es-, La. ex-Jbeing looked upon as ME. and OF. a-, La. ad-. By the side of d-forms some words have forms with th, which represent ME. doublets: burthen (2), burden (6), vrither (1), swadlyng dothes (2). The change of ö to d is a regular ME. change in certain conditions (before non-syllabic n, m, r and before /. Jordan § 206), Hundreth 09304', 13223, 17803, 19333 + (2), hundreth folde 07815, are found by the side of hundred (2), hundredfolde (1). The t/i-forms are due to ON. hundrath -eth, ME. hundreth. (OED.: 1 hundrab, -red, 4 -rep(e, 4—7 -reth.) Mm der occurs as : murdre 32016, murther (4) and in murtherers (4). This is not a question of sound-change. By the side of ME. murther, OE. murpor there arose in ME. an AN. form with d. Jordan § 35 Anm. 2; § 206. 35. n. Note the forms: condemne, -ed, -ing (reg.), solemnely (3), solempnüe 29307. These words had already doublé forms in OF. (OF. condemner, -dempner, E. 3—4 condemp, 4—6 -dempn(e, 6- -demn, 7 condem ; OF. solempne, solemne ; E. 4—6 solempne, 4—7 solemne, 5 solom. OED.). These words underwent a twofold development: either n got assimilated to m (Jespersen 7.4), or a glider arose: mpn. For syllabic n see p. 69. 36. /. By the side of faute(s (5), faultefs (2) is found. In this form 7 is due to L. fallere. Note assautes (2) and emerauld 17020, in which l is probably owing to Spanish esmeralda, La. smaragdus, OF. esmeraude. Jespersen 10.482. It may, however, be analogical as well. For syllabic l see p. 69. 37. th. Occasionally y is found for th(p) in abbreviations, e.g.: y — the 02227, 06620, (article), y = the 00626, 12932, 24213 (article). y=that 06528, 06628. ther is none y doth good 06528. cleaue unto y whiche is good 06628. y=that 00439. to thende y 00439. Sometimes it is not clear whether the text has y or y, e.g. in 26228 (that). In the large-type printing the y used to represent the old symbol p is smaller in size. In the small type there is no difference in size. 38. s. The sound s is represented by s or c (before e and i) without any difference: loce (5), loocefd (6). (Here ce is perhaps used to avoid confusion with to lose.) aduyse (subst.) 27422, thrise 00810, 11620, twise 14222, reioyseth. Curse usually has ss: curssing 06532 et pass.; cf. also horsse 10517. Note chatisest 34417 and chastement 33804', by the side of chastise(th (4), chastisemèt (1). The form chastise is not easily accounted for. (Cf. OED.) Chastement is from Chaste (v.) +ment, OED. The instances given in the OED. date from c. 1425 and 1482. Chatisest might simply be put down as a printer's error. The form is not recorded in the OED.; nor has it any early parallels in French spelling (Littré: s-forms still usual in 16th c. spelling), though it must be admitted that s had already disappeared from pronunciation in the 13th c. Hatzfeld et Darmesteter. Dictionnaire Général § 422). So the form might represent the influence of French pronunciation, but the fact that it is a hapax, makes this very doubtful. 1. Trangression 36925, which is unrecorded by the OED., must be assumed to be a printer's error. 2. The curious form exchew 15301 (OF. eschiver, eschever, E. 4^-6 escheve, eschewe, 6 exchew(e, (4 exschew). OED.) shows the faulty substitution of Latin ex- for es-. 39. -don, -tion. The MoE. ending -tion is a late introduction; Middle English had -doun, -don. (CF. cto > AN. dü > dtwn > dun.) In this respect, as in others, the text is conservative. Har dl y any examples of t in this ending can be found (subiection 04602, adoption 04615) against hundreds of c, e.g.: affeccion, damnacion, saluacion, peticion, subiecdon, generacion, nadon, congregacion, temptacion, redempdon, visitadon, meditacion, imaginacion, satisfacdon, supplicacion, mocion 08429, fruicion and Thascencion 03110. The spelling t was introduced in the course of the 15th and 16th cc, e.g. : 4 satisfacdun, 4—7 -facdon, 5—7 -factioun, 5-faction. (OED.) According to the OED., MoE. -tion represents through Fr. -tion, OF. -don, ME. -cio(u)n, L. -tio. This may be 6 so but the substitution of t for c is, in most cases, certainly not earlier in French than in English. This will be apparent from the following French examples, quoted from Littré: 12th c. medüatiun, 13th c meditacion, 16th c. meditation. 12th c. redemptiun, 13th c. redemption, 15th c. redemption. (Hatzfeld. 12th c. redemptiun). 12th c. satisfactiun, 13th c. satisfacion, 15th c. satisfactwn. Hence it would perhaps be safer to say that both French and English show a remodelling of the suffix on Latin -tio-n- in the 15th and 16th centuries. 1 The name of Pontons occurs once with t: Pontius, 4 times with c f Poncius, and once as Ponce. Here the Latin and the popular forms led to a compromise which probably ref lects the current pronunciation of the time. 40. sh. The sound ƒ is frequendy represented by ssh, as in asshes.34804 (2), publisshed 14318, etc. 41. -dge, -ge ; ij. The sound d$ when final, is represented by -ge or -dge, e.g.: knowlege, knowledge. Initially and medially it is often represented by i: iudge, Ianuary, Iune, My (by the side of the more usual jforms), ioy(full, reioyce, iust, iustified, maiestie, mdge(ment, iealousy, io(u)rneie. These i- spellings are due to Latin. 1. Note gelousyfe 05318, 10523. By the side of Jermalem the far more usual form Hierusalem (10) is found. This is the Greek form: 'Iepovoatff*. Sirnilarly the Greek prototype is found in Hierico 08105, 19807 (Gk. 'leg»**, L. Jerkho) and in Hiere, for Hieremiah, Jeretman. 2 Note Jhon 04230', 24414, 24731, by the side of John 04034' et oass. OF. had Jehan, which was monosyUabic in pronunciation (Littré). This spelling might easily lead to English ƒ*. The spelling John, on the other hand, is probably due to Latin Johannes. 42. C.ft. K was lost in slaundereth, slaundring, slaundreers (4). Tros word also occurs, however, with etymological c: sclaunderers (2), in which c was probably a spelling remnant. By the side of the regular form fruite, note fruicte (1), fruictful (3), 'va. which the spelling c is owing to L. fructus. Author and authority occur in the following forms: author (only form); authoritie -ye (4) ; aucthoritie, -ytye (4), auctoritie (2), autorized (1), autoritie (2). The c is owing to Latin influence: auctor, auctoritas. The th is explained as due to the change of tr to pr in author (and authorize) by Jespersen 7.241, whereas authority would have preserved U In this word th might originally have been a mere spelling on the analogy of author. In cry- crisom(e(s (MoE. chrisom), c represents the historical English spelling (OE. crisma). MoE. ch is owing to Greek influence (xeïoMa). By the side of the usual form coüect note coltetfte 07301', 33941', 35638', 35701'. Cf. OED. sb. 3—6 collecte, in the liturgical sense also 5 collete, colet, 5—6 colettfe, 6 collette, collet. In this sense (the liturgical sense) the word had 'in OF. the semi-popular form coleite (later coloite) whence ME. collete, as well as the learned collecte, adapted from the L. collecta, farniliar in ecclesiastical use.' Initial kn, gn. In these combinations k and g were still pronounced : knew, knappeth; gnashing, etc. The spelling k was more usual than it is now, e.g.: kalender, Catholike -yke, krewe, krow, stomake 16729. Occasionally qae is found: publique 00417. which is owing to French. Note on the other hand banket. oinct, ainct. Note the frequent use of -oinct, -ainct, by the side of the regular forms -oint, -aint: poinct 21328, appoincted (y) (3) ; appoint(ed, (y), -ment reg.; sainct(e(s, (y) (52), saint(e(s (y) (17) (cf. sanctuary); annoyncted 34615. In all these words the Latin originals have -unct, anct, which may be the cause of the insertion of c in these words. The predominance of c-forms in saint points to this, since in this word the original was hardly lost sight of. The spelling c may, however, have been supported by the fact that people found in it ah indication of the dorsal quality which nt may have had at the time. That k itself should ever have been pronounced here seems unlikely. 43. g. Final (and medial) gn. This digraph regularly occurs as a traditional spelling. It is rarely substituted by n: assigned, resigne(th, raigne, signe(s, reyneth (= reigns) 32337. The pronunciation was n. In some cases it is found in words where it was not even historically correct: remaigne 26726 (L. manetre), obteigne(d (3), asserteigned (1), conteigned(y) 00433 37. This inverted spelling is due to the fact that OF. n (spelt gn) was pronounced n in ME. Cf. Jespersen 2.423. g, gu. Initially and finally the spelling gu was not so usual as it is now: . gestes (4), gütie, gyltie, -inesse, but guide (reg.) ; plage 29534, tong 03801, Sinagoges 05001, by the side of a more usual tongue. gh The spelling gh occurs 4 times in ghospell, but is not the exclusive spelling in ghost. In fact, the form gost is about 3 times as usual. 44. i. (gh). Palatal %. . , In ME. palatal % before t had disappeared tn the greater part of England South of the Humber towards the end of the 14th c. In final position it had been partly ousted by inflected forms (hue, ni-e) and in the 15th c. it disappeared entirely. Jordan § 295. Hence inverted spellings like delight may be expected. The fact is that they are rare in the text, delite being about 3 times as usual Before t the historical gft-forms are the only ones ; in heigth g only is found. In final position, however, the spelling of the inflected forms is frequently found: nye is about 4 times as numerous as nigh; hie, hye 9 times as numerous as high. It is curious that highest occurs about 5 times as often as tüest. The comparative has only hier. In neigh-, neyghbour(s the traditional spelling has been preserved. Velar %. Thorough, This word occurs in various forms: 1. thro ugh(e, which is the regular form a) . of the preposition: through the same our Lorde Jesus Christe. 04617, etc. or adverb if it belongs to a verb: breake throughe 08314 16: Laye not vppe for youre selues treasure vpö earth, where the rust éc moth doth corrupt, and where theues breake throughe and steale. But Laye vp for you treasures in heauen .... where theues doe not breake throughe nor steale. b) . in the compound throughout 10621. throughout the whole worlde (reg.). c) . in the adverb throughly 26008. 2. throwly 36519. 3. thoroughfe a) . This form occurs in prepositional function: I walke thorough the volley 07415, thorough Jesus Christ 08216 et pass, thoroughfe 08216, 08326, 09620, 12522, 17233, 17714, 18105, 19616, 20501, 24306, 24503, 24720, 24906, 25214', 25335, 25431, 29917 (all prep.). b) . in the compound thoroughout. thoroughout all generacions 09607, 25219'. 4. thorugh, preposition: thorugh Jesus Christe our Lorde 19703'. 5. thorowe, preposition, sometimes adverb (00325): thorowe the pathes of the seas 04606'. thorowe our Lorde Jesus Christ 15702 ; 00325, 23625, 34906. Anyway x was mute in this word, so the real forms are only: pru and puru or paru. -ouXt. There is no direct evidence of the disappearance of # in the group -ou%t, which took place in the 15th c. Jordan § 294. When final, there is no evidence of the change of x to f> but there is evidence of the use of forms derived from the inflected types: dowe 14016 17. Cf. Jordan § 123, 125 Anm. After au the change of x to ƒ is not shown either. Note the form drougth 08329. OE. had drutgp > drugp (Jordan § 23) > ME. drukte. The ME. spelling drought is explained by the lengthening of u owing to the loss of the spirant, Jordan § 126 Hence drougth must represent a form without %. Cf. neigtn and yougth 33725. 1. For th see section 34. t. 45. /t. There is not much evidence as to the nature of h. Jordan remarks that the disappearance of Ti in stressed words is first proved in the 15th c. Jordan § 293. Jespersen speculates as to the time in which the disappearance began. MEG. 13.685. The text offers the following cases in which h is omitted in the spelling: ' • /o\ the Ebrues 00629 (by the side of Hebrue(s (6)), ysope, isope (3) (Gk. vaaionos), thou ypocrite 18013, ye ypocrites 21805 hypocmy (1), osanna 28003 (Gk. dwawd, L. hosanna), thomely 37330. (Alleluya 02129, 02915 may represent Gk. èXXvXovia and not Hebr. halleluyah.) These examples are all of an ecclesiastical, hence learned, nature. This proves that even in the most solemn and formal use to which words can be put, forms without aspirate were still usual at the time. It is, indeed, likely that in many of the cases where h is spelt in the text, it was not pronounced. 1. Cf. also the use of an before ft: Accidence, The Article. This made it easy to prefix h to some words on etymological grounds, though not always correctly: hable 03523 et pass, the habilüie (4), abhominable 06521, but dbominable 06528. In the first-mentioned word h is due to the influence of L. habths (OF. able, hable), in the second to a mistaken notiön that it was connected with homo -inis. • Helyas 04234, 04305, Gk. 'Hltas, L. Elias, is probably a similar case. . For the forms of shepherd see er-ar: in this word the absence of the aspirate was very old. Syllabic r, l, m, n. 46. Syllabic r. . ■ n • i The disappearance of final e, which took place in colloquial, living speech in the 15th c, involved some changes in the word- endings. Jordan § 290 and note 2. According to Luick these changes even belong to the beginning of the 14th c. HG. § 471. In words ending in -re, mos tl y of French origin, r must have become syllabic. Hence -er-spellings are found by the side of the traditional -respellings, which survived, perhaps owing to the influence of Continental French. The text offers the following examples, in which -re is as a rule more usual: suffre, suffer (less usual); entre, enter (rare); master; nombre, numbre, noumbre ; ordre (s.), order (rare), orderly, offre, offer (about equally frequent); membre, member; tendre, tender (rare), sobre, sober ; lepre, lepers ; lettre (1), letter (more usual) ; propre, proper (about equally frequent) ; nünistre (v. and s.), minister (s. and v.); administer, Chap(i)ter, September, October, Nouember, December, deliuer, scepter, couer ; remembre, remember (less usual) ; rendre. As has been said above the -re-forms are, on the whole, still more numerous, though in some cases, e.g. offer, offre, the difference is not great. In one word only something like a differentiation between substantive and verb is found, namely in minister, there being but but one example of ministre (subst.) There are, however, at least 9 examples of minister (verb). Plural. In the plural, the vowel in the ending -es became silent some time after Chaucer's death, after the voicing of s. Isolated survivals of e zie still found in Shakespeare. Jespersen. 6.16, 6.61. This is generally borne out by the' present text, ers is the more usual spelling, pointing to rz or arzi ministers (s.) (reg.), chapiters; members (3), membres (9), nombres 00629, cedres (1) ; letters (1), Lepers 04102, maisters (3). The endings -ed, -eth and -est. It is uncertain whether a was found in these endings, but it is at least highly probable that the vowel had disappeared by the middle of the 16th c in normal cases. In the present case the following examples illustrate the usage of the Prayer Book: remembreth (2) ; suffreth 08011, suffer eth 08015; ministreth (6) ; deliuereth (1) ; entreth (4) ; slaundereth (1) ; offereth (1) ; remembrest; offer est (1) ; ordred (6), ordered (2) ; ministred (12), entred (11) ; suffred (4), suffered (12) ; offred (7), offered (9) ; remembred (7) ; couered (2), delyuered (21), rendered (1). The problem as to what the nature of these endings was in this case is extremely difficult to solve. HistoricaUy the forms would develop to -rap, -rast, -rad, and the regular use of the spellings -reth, -rest, -red seems to confirm this development. a) . The uninflected forms which had r (or perhaps ar?) would give rise to rp, -rst, -fd (or perhaps -arp, -wst, -ardj. Under the influence of the uninflected forms and on phonetic grounds the forms in cons. + -raj>, -rast, -rad would develop svarabhakti, hence -arap, -ar ast, -arad. In the case of arad, the existence of -rd, -ard and the general disappearance of a in the ending -cd would tend to level the ending under -rd, -ard, giving MoE. -ad. The same thing may hold good for -araP and -arast since in former days the tendency to leave out a in these endings was strong, Tespersen 6.19., and it is not certain that the MoE. pronunciation, L not a late spelling pronunciation, independent of the historica! development. It may, however, also be owing to a secondary development by the side of the tendency mentioned by Jespersen. Cf. p. 47, note 5. Forms before endings which were undoubtedly vocalic. adultry, adultery (OED.: a progressive refashionmg of b. avoutry under the influence of L. adulterium.) ; angery (1) ; deliaeraunce; entring ; mimstring, ministery (original e), -ene (5), ministracion, offring, offerers (1) ; remembnng(3), remembraunce (reg.); rendring, renderyng (1) ; Aaundnng, slaundreers (4), sdaunderers (2) ; sondery (1); suffryng (3), snfferyng (4), -ounce (1) ; wondreous, wonderous (4). Most of these words, except ministery and adultery, originally had no e between the consonant and the r, so if this e arose^at all, it must have been due to the forms where r, being final, developed svarabhakti, cons.+r becoming cons. + ar. This also tends to prove that in the uninflected forms -er, -re, represented r, ar. 1. It might be argued that er in antevocalic position was a mere spelling The exact nature of the vowel between r and the foUowing consonants is moot5 SE Professor van der Gaaf informed Chaucer-s non-stressed e was practicaUy L Cf. also p. 47 not 5. Whatever the nature of the vowel in the endings was, a was sure to anse before r m many cases. See also: Verbal Endings, section 66. due to the headwords, but an examination of the list of the headwords will show that er-forms are rare in many words. Besides, er in most headwords can only be due to the fact that the pronunciation was ft ar. There is suil another argument tending to show that r in this position was syllabic. There are some words that had vowel +r in French, but which are not infrequently spelt with re in English: bordreth, ME., OF. bordure; considre (10) by the side of consider, -ed, -eth, -ing, yng. (14). ► The -re-spellings. in these words cannot be traditional and can only be due to the fact that r was syllabic. Luick's assumption (HG. § 472) that ar developed to r in all cases seems too rigorous. It may be that ar lingered on in the pronunciation of some speakers. In slow speech it would certainly erop up. Germanic words have, on the whole, only er, but occasional re-spellings occur: combred, hundred, skatreth, (also skatereth, -ed), slumbre, (also slumber), a sundre (also a soonder), thundre, wondred. Note on the other hand: utteraunce, utterly. (OED.: utter (v.) +ance, resp. utter (a.) + ly. a. a) 1 utera, 4—6 vter, 8) 2 uttera, uttra, 3, 6 uttre, 4— 6 vttre, 4- utter. Verb: a) Souter, outre, d) 5—7 vtter, vttre, 5- utter, 6—7 uttre. The inflected forms of most of these words cannot possibly have had svarabhakti in ME., since in that case the glide consonant b, d would not have arisen. The new uninflected types could, however, give rise to forms with svarabhakti: slumbr > slumber. In a word like utteraunce this development is likely on phonetic grounds. Cf. MoE. at(a)r(a)ns. (Jones. Pron. Dict.) So it may be concluded with Luick that er and re were often used indifferendy, but his conclusion that r was syllabic in all cases, though possibly correct, does not seem fully warranted. Luick HG. § 472, 474. Luick's reasoning that er and el stand for sounds which were undoubtedly syllabic after the loses of final e, holds good for ME., but at a later stage er and el may well have represented a further development, viz. ar, al. There is nothing to disprove this. MoE. in many cases has ar, al (wand(ïjrit], leibalvn, but eneiblin) and the vacülation may very Well go back to eMoE. and perhaps to ME. The following Germanic words have exclusively er : n)euer, further, n) either, other, father, reader, hearer, a(u)nswer(e(d, water, after, fynger(s, longer, Easter, maker, wither, synners. 2. The word neighbour is occasionally spelt neygh-, neighbor. The second syllable had of course been reduced to br, bar long ago. Other vowels in unstressed position before r were of amid-mixed or at any rate dull quality even in the 16th c. Cf. Luick HG. § 472, 589. Instances: avenger, corner, daungiers, daunger, debter, harper, kalender and kalendar (about equally frequent), maner, manner, matter, maungier, psalter. The ending -our was shortened because it was no longer stressed in AN., hence: honur, labur. Jordan § 246, in which case o would be a natural spelling by the side of traditional ou. This o thérefore need not be entirely due to Latinizing influences. The fact that or was substituted for other endings (Jespersen 9.72), proves that, whatever its sound may have been before, the 16th c. pronunciation was undoubtedly r °r ar. Cf. Luick HG. § 589, 2. Instances with out armour(e, chambouring, counsaüours, defendour, Emperour, errourfe, executours, fauour(able, ably (reg.), gouernour, harbour, honour (reg.), inhabitours 15210, labourfeth, -ers (reg.), mediatour (3), odoures ; pastours, persecutours, saueour (3),saüiöur(e (reg.),sauour 28820,souldiour, succowfe, vapours; with o: colored, error, fauorfable, honor (20), honorable (2), honoreth, dishonored, inheritor, labored (2), mediator, pastors, persecutor, rasor, rumor, sauior (ab. 10), traitor, trdsgressors, tutors. As in MoE. the oa-forms are the more numerous, and in many cases the only ones. The forms harbour (OED.: 3—7 harber(e(n) and chambouring (OED.: OF. chambre E. 4 chamber) show that -oar had become x,9r. The spelhng stubbernes 36401 also proves that -or in this word had become r, ar. Cf. also pülers 15211, begger (3), amicaler 27429, singuler 24024, 34513. Note indeuor with or for original oir. 47. Syllabic Z. Words originally ending in -Ze, end in syllabic Z after the final e had been assimilated and hence vanished, e.g.: humble, disciple, tempte, table, trouble, ensa(u)mple, episüe, Bible, people, profitable; twynkeling, sprinkeled, handeled, kindled, kyndle, kiendled. . The following words must be assumed to have syllabic Z, though they may still have had a vowel before the Z in ME.: cattel, catell, battail, -ayl, trauayle, castell, subteltie, naturall, originall, synodalles, Cathedrall, Chappelles, counsaü(l, -ayl(l, co osei, counselt, councel(l, counsayled, (counsailors, consaïlor?), meruayled, vitayles, angel, aungel, eiuü(l, euel(l, deuü(l, -yll, deuel(l, litle, tangle (OED.: 4—5also tangïl, 4—6 tangél(e.), gospel(l(es. Apostle is a mixture of two forms: OE. 1—4 apostol, ME. 2—5 apostel and OF. apostle, which coalesced. In the 16th c. the OF. spelling prevailed (OED.). This is curious. The form in -Ze is the only one in the Prayer Book, hence it may well have contributed to this unification or it may point to the fact that even at this time the -eZ-form had been ousted in clerical circles. Words like kindie, handle, twinkle, undoubtedly had l in ME. after final e had disappeared. The spelling litle points to the same pronunciation. That the forms handel-, twynkel- occur points to the fact that el stood for J. So it may very well have stood for } in the other words also. There can be very Ktde doubt that the words battail, etc, were pronounced with j, though the traditional spelling was preserved. In how far i was preserved in forms like euilfl, deuil(l is difficult to setde. The -eZ-spellings may be assumed to represent a more neutral vowel before Z. Whether Z in these words (after v) ever became quite syllabic cannot be setded here. The MoE. pronunciations üvil, devil (by the side of a more usual ivl, devl) may very well be a spelling pronunciation and need not go back to an eMoE. form. 48. Syllabic n. Spellings like threatnynges 22713, qmekning 35333 seem to point to syllabic n in the headwords. In view of the MoE. development it would be safe to assume that # which developed in ME., remained in eMoE. The ending is spelled variously: beckened 18206, Ughteninges, sodain(e, -ayn(e (8), sodairdy, sodenly (2), humavne. For common, -unit, see weak-stressed a. h Note the verb to strength in: strengthed himself 04831-32, which is an endingless derivation from the noun. 49. Syllabic m. This sound needs no special discussion. As in MoE., the spelling is usually om i bottom. ACCIDENCE. 50. The Definite Article. The definite article is regularly the, occasionally th is found before vowels, though by no means exclusively : thende (very often in : to thende) (11), e.g.: to thende 31704,a) Thepiphanie, Thascencion 03110, to thentente (5), thepistle 27005, thamendment 27401, into tharke 30308, in thenglishe tounge 30835, Thinglyshe letanye 36105, thexample (4), thother (4), e.g.: the one oughte to haue of thother 32538', tharticles (3), thone 32509, thoffice 33213, of thone to thother 32810, thapostle 33309, thappoynted prayer 34616, tharchdeacons 37308, thomely 37330, thaccustomed maner 36106, thinstitucion 36906. The is found in the following cases : vnto the ende (10), the end(e (3), to the eternall purpose 06224, the eternal (2), the arke (2), the epistle 27005, the English tong 31414, the example 33730, the Ephesians (2), the articles (2), the edificacion 31707, the holy (always), the encrease 33732, the anthem 34601, the Ascension daye 37324, the exhortation 37330, the home 28715. The instances prove that usage varied even in the case of the same words. This elision of e occurred already in ME., but the fact that it occurs not only in familiar combinations, like thende, thentente, thepistle, thother, but also before more learned words, proves that it was not a mere archaism at the time of the First Prayer Book. Whether the full form of the article does indeed point to the pronunciation Öi- in such cases is difficult to setde. It may be merely a normalised spelling. a) But a few lines below : and to the edificacion 31707. Before h the full form of the article is always found: the holy, the howre 28715, the habilitie (4). If h is omitted (as in thomely) elision takes place. 1. For the spelling y, 'y, see Phonology, section 37. 51. The Indefinite Article. The indefinite article is a before consonants, an before vowels. Before h we nearly always find an. Whether h was mute in all these cases is not certain. Only rarely do we find a, as in : a horse 16312. An is found before: a). horne 02623, 24425, heape of stones 05307, hundred and XLIIII thousande 05425, housholder 07515, hundreth folde 07815, husbande 09217, housbande 23627, high prieste 09414, hye priest 12705, high 22304, heritage 09805, 15826, 22023, horsse 10516, honey combe 14803, house 15607, hie stomake 16729, hye daye 13203, hired seruaunt 15125 30, hoste 16310, heartie 17712, heart 29715, hundreth 17803, hundred 19015 18, 22911, C. pence 21608, CXX. pence 23132, holy temple 22516, holye 26128, habitacion 22518, herdman 24335. b.) an heyre 05631, an honest 24913, an hower 28711, an houre 32407, an honorable 32519. Before u (initially always spelled v) an is found: an vmformitie 29332'. The use of an in this case might be explained from the nature of u at the time, which was probably that of a falling diphthong: iu. 52. Personal Pronouns. The personal pronouns of the first person offer no difficulties: the nominative singular being I, the objective me(e; the nom. plural we(e, the objective vs. In the second person sing. the nominative is thou, the objective thee, the 02314. The forms are never mixed up. ye-you. In the plural the nominative is you or ye, the objective you. You as a nominative occurs fairly often in the introductions and occasional services. In the lessons and psalms, (parts taken from the Bible) it is rare. In this respect the introductions and occasional services would seem to be in perfect accordance with contemporary usage as found in other documents. Cf. Frans. Shakespeare Gramm. § 288, The form you occurs over 20 times as a nominative in the new parts of the Prayer Book, such as introductory parts, prayers, communion service, and exhortations in the occasional services ; in the scriptural parts (by far the larger part of the work) it occurs only 3 times (08911, 18108, 28818), of which 08911 and 28818 are both quoted from Ephes 5.1 (Be you. A.V. Be ye). In 18108 the same form is quoted : Be you (1 Peter 3.8. A.V. be ye). By the side of be you we also find be ye 28710. (Luke 12.40. A.V. Be ye.) As these scriptural parts are older than the new parts of the Prayer Book, this difference may illustrate the development of you as a nom., though the highly sacred character of the Bible translations should be taken into account. The following instances illustrate the mixed use of you and ye : You sayde that your Godfathers and Godmothers dyd promyse for you that ye should kepe Goddes commaundementes. 31932 seq. Therfore I shall shortely rehearse the articles of our fayth, that ye maye knowe whether you doe beleue as a christian manne should beleue, or no. 33905 seq. 1. In the Communion Service the exhortation beginning on p. 271, line 9, only has ye as a nominative. (4 times). The exhortation which follows immediately after it (27233), regularly has you in the nominative. (6 times). Perhaps this was a later addition. thou-thee ; ye-you. Though thou, thee is on the whole restricted to the singular and ye, you to the plural, there are some cases in which ye, you is used in addressing one person only, as will be seen from the following passage in The order of the Purificacion of weomen: The woman shall come.... and the prieste standyng by her, shall saye these woordes .... Forasmuche as it has pleased almightie god of hys goodnes to geue you safe deliueraunce: & your childe baptisme, and hath preserued you in the greate daunger of chüdebirth : ye shal thérefore geue hartie thankes vnto god.... This use of you, ye is in accordance with the speech of the higher and middle classes at the end of the 16th c. (Franz. Sh. Gramm. § 289a; Wyld SH. § 294.) In its use of ye, you, as a singular the text is thérefore rather advanced. Occasionally shifting from thou to you or vice versa is found. In the services of Publike Baptüme and Priuate Baptisme the distinction between thou and ye, you, is rigidly observed, but in Confirmacion there are examples in which you is obviously addressed to one person: What is your name? Who gaue you this name? My Godfathers and Godmothers in my Baptisme, wherein I was made 31807 seq. Then suddenly the text shifts to thou : Dooest thou not thinke that thou arte bound to beleue, and to doe as they haue promised for thee? 31827 seq. Thou, thy is now kept to 31923. In 31932 you is found again: You sayde that your Godfathers etc. In 32025 the text returns to thou: What dooest thou, perhaps under the influence of the preceding commandments: Thou shalte haue none other Gods but me, etc, This goes on as far as 32212. This whole passage is in turn directed to each child separately, as will appear from numerous passages, e.g.: My good sonne, knowe this, that thou 32120, though the ceremony is performed for more than one candidate. In 32234 a prayer is said for all the candidates and then follows a curious passage in which thou and you serve to emphasize singular and plural respectively: I signe thee... .(the ritual being performed for each candidate separately): , a j And thus shall he doe to euery childe one after an other. And whan he hath layed hys hande vpon euery chylde, then shall he say. (the salutation being addressed to the whole group). The peace of the lorde dbide with you. Aunswere. And with thy spirite. 32316 seq. Thus shal the Busshop blüse the chüdren, thus saying. The Missing of god almightie, the father, the sonne, and the holy goste, be vpon you, and remayne with you for euer. 32401 seq. The whole service is significant in that it alternately abolishes and respects the old distinctions. In The Visitacion of the Sicke the text also varies in usage, but here this can be explained on other grounds. In spite of passages like the sicke person 33721, thü thy seruaunt 34004, and the exhortation beginning As with thü visible oil thy body 34214 seq. (in which exhortation thou, thee, thy is presêrvtd to the end), it would seem that the address beginning on line 33723 and ending in line 33907, is made in a more general spirit. Hence ye, you is used throughout the whole address. This general character may also be inferred from words like: yf you indure chastisemët, he offereth himselfe vnto you as vnto his owne chüdren. 33807 seq. yf ye be not vnder correccion (wherof al the true chüdren are partakers) then are ye bastardes and not chüdren. 33809 seq. Immediately after this address follows a questionary taken over from the baptismal service, which has thou. Consequendy thou is also found here. That this form should have been carried into the above-mentioned exhortation (34214 seq.) is not surprising. After that there are no more personal addresses in this service. From these facts it will be seen that it offers no evidence as to the use of thou and you. The personal pronouns of the third person are regularly he, she, it, plural they, thei; objectives him, hym, her, ü, them. There are, however, some exceptions. hir. Instead of her, hir is found once: And from that home the düciple toke hir for his owne. 13126. This is a remnant of an earlier usage. Cf. Wyld, who declares that though most ME. MSS. use hire, here indifferendy, others use hire in the fem. sing. London Doe of the 14th c. use here, her for the fem. Dat. sing., Mandeville and Wycliffe have hire. SHE. § 299. it, him. There is one case in which him is used as the objective of it: wherfore, yf thy hande or thy foote hynder/hynder thee, cut him of, and cast it from thee 25836 seq. Cf. And yf thine iye offende thee, plucke it out, and cast it from thee. 25905. them. This form is found 8 tunes; theimselfes occurs twice. It, may denote an actual pronunciation in which the old ei-form hngered on. It may also be a traditional srjeHing supported by the spelling of the nominative they, thei. 53* Possessive Pronouns. The possessive pronouns are.' lrst person sing.: my, mine, myne; pl. our(e. 2nd person sing.: thy, thine, thyne; pl. your(e 3rd person sing.: his; her; his; pl. their (e, theyr(e. The usual forms before consonants are my, thy, before vowels mine, (myne), thine (thyne), e.g.: mine owne (selfe) 04026, myne enemie(s reg., myne tyes reg., myne eares, oppressoures, aduersitie, oxen, old age, vpnsing. offences, etc. Occasionally my is found before vowels: my enemies 19617, 33605. Beiore h mine/myne is found regularly: . , u u a mine home, honor ; humble, hearte, harte, herte, health, head, It 1° curious to note that in the case of thy, thine, the form thy is fairly usual before vowels and ft; before the aspirate it is even the regular form: . thyne enemies, aduersary, inheritaunce, indignacion, eyes, lye, eares, offences, only, owne, annoynted, ordinaunce, arrowes, office, infinite, élect, atdtare; Ut'thy only, onely, onlye (6), thy euerlastyng 05120, 33203, enemies 19218, thy iye 34004, ire 36729. ^^Thyne honor 07918, thyne heritage (3), head (1), hand (6), house (3), holy (1) ; bUt\hy honom (2) holy (49), hand (3), house (1), humble (2), heauenly (2), heritage (1) ; whole (1). Note his, as the possessive to it: as euerye parte hath his measme 23624. For enen as the flower of the Grosse, shall he passé away. For as the sunne riseth with heate, and the grosse withereth, and his flower falleth away, and the beauty of the fashon of it perisheth: euen so shall the ryche man perishe in hys wayes. 23826 seq. 1. The use of of it and thereof, being syntactic, will not be discussed here. The substantival use of the possessive pronouns may be illustrated by thé following examples: but to syt on my right hand óc on my left, is not myne to geue 25308. I am thyne 19501. my reynes are thine 35127. If they haue kepte my saying, they wil kepe yours also. 26302. the strength of the hyttes is his also. 02206. Cf. Wright. EHNEG. § 327. 54. Demonstrative Pronduns. The demonstrative pronouns do not differ formally from the MoE. ones. 55. Indefinite Pronouns. none, In antevocalic position the form none is still in general use: none aduauntage 33630, end 23420, other 32006, 18929, other. This word frequent!y has a plural meaning e.g.: and to forgeue other, as you woulde that god should forgeue you. 27407. Cf. Ekwall. § 207. 56. Reflexive Pronouns. Cf. Secdon 33. In general the reflexive pronouns do not differ from the MoE. forms, though there are some remnants of an earlier usage, viz.: our(e selfe 02202, 36436' (cf. our selues 36439') and themselfe 36401'. Cf. OED.: Tn Standard English themself was the normal form to c. 1540, but disappeared c. 1570. Themselfs, themselves appears c. 1500 and became the Standard form c. 1540.' The usage in the present work, dating from 1549, is entirely in accordance with this statement. Occasionally the personal pronoun is used as a reflexive, e.g.: You that do truly and earnestly repent you of your synnes 28409. 57. Substantives. The Genitive. The ending of the genitive is either es or s, e.g.: the lordes supper, the hordes prayer, a dayes iourney, my mannes fraylnes, thy heartes desyre, Goddes wordes ; Gods worde, the virgins wombe, his fathers name, my fathers business, my fathers kingdome, a potters vessel, his names sake, the childrens bread, their maisters table, Simö Peters brother, chüders chüdren. There is little doubt that at that date the sound represented by es, s was either s or z, dependent on the nature of the preceding sound. , There is some disagreement as to the date when the e disappeared. Jespersen thinks that the change of s to z began in the 15th c. and was completed in the 16th c. MEG. 6.511. He also explains that the change only took place after weak-stressed e, and, not after a strong-stressed syllable. Hence the disappearance of e must (at least) be slighdy later than the time adduced by him for the change of s to z. This time is evidendy not quite correct, for Jordan gives examples of the disappearance of e in the flexional ending es in the course of the 15th c. (§ 291 and Anm.) The change of s to z is prior to the disappearance of e, except in words in two or more syllables, of which the last syllable is unstressed. In those words the loss of e was undoubtedly earlier, but here the change of s to z is conditioned by the preceding unstressed syllable. Wright places the change of es to ez in the ME. period. EHNEG. § 287. On the whole the fact that forms in s are found in the 15th c. would necessitate the assumption of an earlier date for the change of es to than that assumed by Jespersen. That the First Prayer Book frequendy spells s only, does, of course not prove the non-existence of an az- pronunciation at that date a), but it indicates the existence of s(z) forms. The forms in es may be traditional spellings, or represent survivals of the older forms in dz. Cf. also what is said sub Plural. Forms like at the Churche doore (dore) 30205, 30919 21 24 are undoubtedly old genitives. In ME. these endingless genitives were quite usual. Cf. Wyld SHE. § 309. The omission of the genitive ending in: at her father or frendes handes 32705, is evidendy owing to the fact that father is separated from the a) For the exact nature of the vowel cf. p. 47, note 5 and p. 66. hcadword, and to the analogy of frendes, which as a plural has no separate ending for the genitive. After words in -s there is no sign of a separate ending: Jesus dütiple 13507, Moses lawe 37033, his hignes Counselt 37403. The genitive of words in [fl is still [v( 9)z\, spelled nes. The spelling fes, which occasionally occurs is probably formed on the analogy of the spelling of the singular, and may represent the same pronunciation. As an instance of the pronunciation [fs] it would be rather too early. Instances: My liues ende 31905, the husbüd ü the wiues head 33322; thy lyfes ende 30324, Peters wifes mother 33714. «^ethf * Singular or a PluKU * meant in : unto theyr liues ende 33106 and your liues ende (of two persons) 33211 is tracertain. Plural. As has been shown above (p. 78) there is some disagreement about the exact time at which the vowel in the genitive ending disappeared, but the existence of genitive forms in s, z only, is proved by the text. Likewise there are numerous plurals which are spelled s only, e.g.: angels (by the side of rare angeües) chickens, elders, fathers, foundations, Gods 32006, heauens, imaginations, lepers, lessons, mattins, ministers, prayers, petitions, persecutors, prisoners, questions, souldiers, syngers, synners, waters, etc. It must be admitted that in mono-syllabic words the sr*lling is extremely rare. In the case of plurals there is, however, the evidence of Salisbury (1547): 'E also before 5 at the end of plural nouns.... disappears in the pronunciation, as in the following kynges frendes tentes which are read kings, frinds, tents.' Ellis III, 777—9. This should be compared with the following statement: 'z was also frequendy used instead of s at the end of words KYNGEZ kinss kiqz'. p. 787. 8 Beyond the existence of plurals in s(z) in some cases the Prayer Book proves litde in this respect. The following plurals show peculiarities: f-ues. calues, loaues, staues, theues. endingless: , _ __ r. . ,. shepe, swine, swyne, all tMng 37006', OE. and ME. Ping (pl.). mutation: /ere, feete, menfne, mê, teeth, women, weomen. -en : oxen. various: iu brethren, children, chyldren; thy (their) chüders chüdren 32916, 33115, thy chylders chyldren 22430. li For eo in weomen see Phonology. It is noteworthy that the form chüders (gen. pl.) also occurs in Coverdale (Wyld SHE. § 315). 2. Note also fyshes 09308 14 and pence 10614. 58. Adjectives. Comparison. The comparison of adjectives needs no special comment, the comparative and superlative being formed in the regular way. On the whole the regular forms do not differ from those used in MoE. In some cases the spelling is different: litle-lesse-leaste; high, hye, hie-higher-highest(e, hieste; nye- nerer* Note the form moe, mo 09217', 10026' et pass., by the side of more. This form which represents OE. adverbial ma:, is used without any difference from more in adjectival functions. Cunously enougn it is not found in adverbial function, in which more only occurs : geuing euery one to drinke once and no more 28617. and that other.... might be more afrayed 36113. that they dyd more confounde, and darken, then declare 37030. more busynes 10217. Then shall folowe for the Offertory, one or mo, of these Sentences 27505. what nede we of any mo wytnesses 10026. And yf there be moe sicke persons 34515. 1 Forms like: the more playne expHcacwn 37302, the most(e highest(e 06405 et pass., more larger 29215 belong rather to syntax and will not be discussed here. 59. Adverbs. In the main the adverbs require no special discussion. There is a somewhat greater proportion of forms which are idenücal with the adjective and which either represent the older formation in -e, or are formed on the analogy of this historical form. Examples: soon, sore (6) : we be soore lette 04215. hard: harde by 04510. exceding, exceadyng: exceding wroth 05517. godly 33401, new maried 33422, ryght early 09115, cleane reiected 36916. Some adverbs or adverbial expressions have the genidval s either historically or by analogy: alwaies, otherwaies 32611, nedes. By the side of these there are also forms without 5 ï alway(e, straightway 10327. The adverb off is not yet differentiated in spelling from the preposition of: and smote a seruaunte of the hye prieste, and cut of his eare 10831—2. 1. For than, then see Phonology. 2. The survival of OE. for hwy in for why 24319, (though not strictly speaking an adverb), may be mentioned here. 3. The adjectival use of some adverbs,e.g. : the ofte receyuing 34318, belongs rather to syntax. 60. Numerals. Note the following forms: Edward the sixt 26913' 29', the sixth moneth 23404', in the eight day 24407', fyfth 33221'. For more instances see Phonology, Section 34. 61. Prepositions. Note the doublets: towardfe (16), towardes (9). 1. For the weakened form a see Phonology. Unstressed Vowels. Verbs. 62. Strong verbs. The strong verbs will be classified historically. Forms which do not differ from MoE. usage, are mentioned without reference to the place where they occur, In the case of forms diverging from MoE. usage and of rare and interesting forms, such reference is given. Infimtive (Present). Preterite. Past Participle. Class I. bidden (=remained) abyde (i) abode 06435 25523 *> cleane (=stick to) 06628*) ... rysen (i) ryse (i) wrw-.v- Q.rVSB Q.V0S6 shine shone 04510 shyned 25624 shyned (i) 22720, 24709 smyte (i) smoU s"**n (ë) stroke 09931 wrvte (i) wie rvrytten (i) 04112 et pass. wryte {l) wryten (i) 26312, 33818 etc. 8) 1 Ye are they, which haue bidden with me in my temptacions. 2. Hote that which is euil, & cleaue vnto y whiche is good. 3. This single t has probably no special significance. (See Consonants). The vowel is short in any case. Class II. bad 063091) bidden 05815 (only form) forbad forbidden03218(onlyïc*m) 1 chosen clouen (tonges) 16408 fight fottght flee 30329 fled 10905 et pass. (fkyng 36125) flye 05024 (= move through air) ftye 05509 (= run away) (imp.) flyeth 08629 (move etc) *) L And he bad them go to Bethleem 06309. Matth. 2. 8. Kal nèfirpas avtobc èi? Bnêlsè/i elnev. L. Et mittens illos in Bethlehem dixit. This verb got mixed up with bid (IV), 2. My soule flyeth vnto the Lorde, before the mornyng watche: Ps. 130. 6. (08629). , , . A.V. My soul looks for the Lord more eagerly than watchmen for Vvfel29(130).6. A custodia matutina usque ad noctem i speret Israël in Domino. , , nofoinc fdxQi vvxtós êhuadzo 'Iooarjl bu tov xvqiov. Class III. bynde (imp.) burne drynke (i) fynde begynne helpe (imp.) beholde mealte 09118' *) runne sing (shrinkyng 10502) bespryng 10422 swelleth 08012 bounde bound(e 03707, 27823, 31827, 33229. bonnden (boüden) 27221, 27806, 27921 *). bwned 08010 burnt 36612 18 brem 21121 brent 07214, 07404. 2) carued 31628 *) dranke (pl.) 10718', (N.T.), 18912 (N.T.) 4) found foundfe began hólpen 03005 5) holden 37320 *) motten 36128 3) ran(ne song (pl.) 05430' (N.T.)8) songfe soncke (pl.) 18208' (N.T.)9) sprang (pl.) 07814' sprong 07328, 07812" (N.T.)10) sprong (s.) 07815' (N.T.) 1. ye shall fynde an Asse bound 03707. but chiefly are we bound to praise thee 27823. thou arte bound to beleue 31827. So mê are bounde to loue their owne wiues 33230. as we are most bounden 27221. our boüden dutie 27806. oure bounden duetie 27921. 2. he was wrothe.... and brent vp their citie 21121. enen that I burned 08010'. in burnt offeryng 36612'. the burnt offeringes 36618'. thy brent sacrifice 07214. to be brent 07404'. (For this form cf. Table I). 3. any carued or motten image. 4. Caxton generally has drank without distinction of number. Price p. 75. 5. he.... hath holpen his seruaunt 03005. 6. Ais pastoraü staffe.... borne or holden by his chapeleyne 37320. 7. Not mentioned by Price. 8. Caxton sange, songe. Price p. 71. 9. Caxton sanke, Tindale sonfc) ke, A.V. sanke (1) sunke (4). Price p.78. 10. Caxton sprang(e, A.V. sprang (8), sprang (3). Price p. 72. bare (only) brake (only) *) came (only) became (reg.) (beecame 09627) borne x) broken come (reg.), cummen 36525. becü 06528. ouercomed 02337', 34234, ouercome 06825. Class IV. 6e are (forbearyng) breake come *) become 8) ouercome steale The verb wear though originally weak, may be mentioned here. weare 04109 worm 08135- 1. borne ; the pp. always has e 35404, so also e in modern born, e.g.: 04514 et pass. 2. Caxton has brake, which is the prevailing from down to about 1600. Price p. 100. 3. By the side of the infimtive, uninflected present and imperaüve come, ouercome (only forms), the gerund, present participle and 3rd. pers. sing. present have forms in mm by the side of m. cometh 04729, 20534 ; commeth 11103, 05014, 06127 (2), 07824, 08923, 09022, 09029, 10412 14; cömeth 09916; cummeth 05529 30, 05806, 06914, 10822 ; commyng ; becommeth 06425, 08916. This mm probably had no significance beyond denoting the short quality of the vowel. i?—-^ Class V. eate (get), geate 2) forget geue (reg.) 4) forgeue lye se(e syt (i) speake tread bad 06309, 17606, 20531 34 !) gate 10515', gatte 34917' 3) begat 05704', 15506 3) 9 gaue forgaue saw( e sate spake (only form) 7) bidden (y) 21113 et pass. bid 21111 r) eaten gotten 04321. begotten 04505. geuen (reg.), giuê 13020' gyuen 20629' 6) forgeuen sen(e 03016, seen(e 04326 sit 03511 8) spoken troden 07.810 et pass. 1. he bad them go 06309. Cf. Class II. The sense of this verb in 06309 arose independently from the two verbs (OE. bidden and beodan). (OED.) A certaine man ordayned a great supper, and bad many. 17606. them that were bid to the weddyng 21111. Teil thé whiche are bidden: be holde, I haue prepare d my diner 21113. 2. Cf. Price (p. 118), who says that though the spelling ea cannot be taken as evidence of length, yet length is established by other spellings. 3. Caxton gate, Auth. Version got (5), gate (20), compounds only -gat -gate. Price p. 121. The form begat occurs many times on p. 57. 4. Caxton gyue (usual), geue (1), gyf (1), gyfe (1), yeue (5). Coverdale geue (always) (Price p. 124) A.V. not mentioned. 'The testimony of the phoneticians and rimes in the 16th c. points to e:'. Price p. 123. 5. Price assumes i: in geuen. p. 125. For forms in i see Phonology. 6. Ps. I. Blessed is that man that hath not walked in the counsaile of the ungodly : nor stand in the waye of synners, and hath not sit in the seate of the skornefull 03511. Cf. OED.: pp. 5.6 sytt, sitt, 6—7 sitte, 6—8 (9 dial.) sit. 7. Caxton spak, spack, spake, no o forms; Coverdale, A.V. spake, (only). Price p. 135. Class VI. draweth withdrawe shake sley 35203, slea 36228 4) sweare takt awake 09002. drewfe drawen granen 32007 *) laden 23301, 28513 2) forsoke forsaken 10325. shaken shapen 20832, 36526 ») slewe slaine sware 02631' 02221' sworne 07623 et pass. 24431. s) toke, tooke taken awoke 05512 et pass. 1. (adj.) anye granen image 32007. 2. all ye that labor and .are laden 23301. all that trauell and bee heauy laden 28513. 3. that neme man, whiche after God, is shapen in righteousnes 20832. I was shapen in wickednes 36526. 4. sley, slea. Slea is the old form, of which a late survival is found here; sley is the new form formed on the analogy of the past participle. Cf. Price: Caxton slee ; Coverdale sley(e, slay(e, A.V. slay. (p. 154) and OED.: 3—6 slea, 4—7 sley. 5. sware is probably due to bare, tare etc. Price mentions the following forms: Caxton swar, sware, swore; sworen (OE. pret. swox), Coverdale sware, swore. Auth. Version* sware (always) except once in only one version. (p. 151.) 63. Originally Reduplicating Verbs. beate 6eaten blowe (imp). 08226 *) krowfe, (sub).), krew crowe faU, fal m /aöen mme growen s hewen 13512 et pass. Mde held(e holden 08413, 14408, 34027 be-, vpholde . withholden 27411 know(e knew knowen slepe slept sowen stand/e stode, stoode stand 03510 *) understandfe anderstode 06514 understanded 00343', U04U0 overthrowen waxe 04712', 10803', weaxed 24507' *) wexeth 24216' *) 1. OE. bla.-wan. 2. stand see note 6 on p. 85. Cf. OED. pp. 1-6 standen, 4-6 stand(e. , _ , ,„ . ,. 3. OE. weaxan > wexan palatal uml. Sievers. AG. § 101. Anglian wxxan is the parent of the form wax ; wexan of wex. Caxton waxe, wexe. Price p. 161. . 4. Caxton waxe, wexe, waxed, -id, waxt,wexed; Coverdale waxed, wexed. A.V. waxed. No ea-forms mentioned. Price p. 161. 64. Weak Verbs. bend . ' Ïalde™ ^ T£d 05821, 26124 bye 09302 ^L^™ cut(test out 10832 out 00401 cast(e cast cast(e caughte clolhed 04108 . , dealtfe 06403 27, 06510, deah(tH delt 18809, 34308 dwelle feede, fede graffe 18507 l) heare hide (y) hurte kepe layfe leade leane learne leaueth let (auxü.) lyft (imp.) 07628 .make mete put reade rent (inf.) 10332 7), rent (imp.) 08219 saye beseche seeke, seke send(e set shed shewe slepe shote spyt teache digged 19305 dwelt 04802 fedde hanged 14325,16612 *) heard(e hyd 09528 kept kneeled 04927 layde, laide, layed 4) led 10513 et pass. (reg.), lead 22114 left liftfe 09034,09233,1720( 17407, 22119 5) made meant met put( te rent' sayed besought sought solde sent( e set shed shewed spred 03717 slept strawed 03719* u) dwelt 03806 graft 18316' hanged 25833, et pass. *) heardfe Ud(de, hyd(de 04030 + (12) (only form)») kepte layde, laid, layed 4) led 08523 et pass. left lette (and hyndred) 04215 >, lyft, aft 07622 32, et pass. lost made pluckt 22223 «) put sayed, saied, said aforesayd 03232 sought solde, sentfe set(te shed shewed (only form) *) spred 23031 sticken 17834 9) swept spyt 10229, spitted 08034 10) tolde tolde thinke (y) thovght wepe wept 10108 wylled 28226 wont 19511, 20803,21009, 29229, woont 10136 12) wrought 06225 wrought 07603, 09720 18> 1. For graffe, pp. graft see OED. 4—7 graffe. 2. whome they slewe and hanged on tree 16612. Acts X. whö they slewe and hanged on tree 14325 Acts X. and when he was hanged, he barst a sunder 23205. Acts L itwere better for him that a milstone were hanged aboute his necke 25833. Matth. XVIII. as for our harpes we hanged them vp 25914. Ps. 137. 3. hyd also adjectively: the hyd man 33408. 4. For a discussion of layde, laied and similar forms see Endings. 5. The preterite and past participle lift, the only forms in the Prayer Book, are the old ME. forms. OED.: inf.: 4—5 liftefn. (ONo. lypta. Sw. lyfta. Da. /0/te). pp.: 4—6 ttfte, 5—8 (9 poet.) Uft, 4—Vfted. 6. For pluckt and other forms in t, see Endings. 7. the vayle of the tempte did rent 10332. rent youre heartes, and not your dothes 08220. 8. shewed, the only form in pret. and pp., is the old historical form. QED. s pp. regular forms 1. yaceawod, 4—shewed. 9. haue sticken unto thy testimonies 17834. Ps. 119. This form does not occur in the OED., which has pp. 1. sttcod, 3-4 ystiked, 6 stokefn, 6—7 stucke. 10. when they had spyt upö him. 10229. Matth. 27. he shalbe spitted on. 08034. Lu. 18. 11. and strawed them in the way 03719. Matth. 21. OED.: pa. tense and pp. strawed (rarely pp. strawn.) Apparenüy a dialectal pronunciation (with rising diphthong) of OE. streaman variant of streowian. 12. art wont 19511, 20803, 21009; was woont 10136; as were wont to be offered 29229. . 13. the eternall purpose whiche he wrought in Christ Jesu. Q6M5. these last haue wrought but one home 07603. she hath wrought a good worke vpon me 09720. When the holy Communion ü celebrate on the workeday 2892S, and to bee excomunicate, or suffre other pumshement 29321 are probably due to the influence of med. Latin: celebratus, excommunicatus. 65. Irregular Verbs. 1. to be. Infinitive : be(e. Present Preterite Past Participle om was bene, been(e, bee art wast(e 10033, 10535, (once) 00319" 10936, 12328 is was pl. are, be(e. q.v. were (reg.), wer (excep- tionally) 03704', 14434 x) *) And when they.... wer come to Bethphage 03704. and interpreted.... in all Scriptures which wer written of hym 14434. 2. dare (3rd sing.) 19515 darst(e 20726, 25436 3. do, doe, doo, dooe did, dyd done, doen, doom, dooen 4. goe, go, goo wentfe gone 5. haue (hastfe, hath(e) had 6. shall shovdde 7. to wete 19335', I wot wist, wyst 10034' et pass. 8. will woalde (reg.) wold(e 22122' 33' 1. The present plural are-be(e. The division of are and be(e in the present plural is very interesting as there is a striking contrast between the usage of the compiler (s) of the First Prayer Book and that of the Bible translators. The following figures were found, for which cf. Appendix: are be rough ratio A. Rubrics 12 25 1:2 Prefaces, Epiloguès 9 15 1 \ 1.7 Collects, Songs, Litany, Prayers, Prefationes 17 30 1 : 1.8 Sermons, Exhortations, Addresses, Confessions. 13 19 1 • 1.5 B. Psalms 91 13 7: 1 Lessons and Quotadons from a) . the Old Testament 2 In 2:1 b) . the New Testament 204 11 19:1 It would be hard to find a more striking contrast, and a distinct archaising tendency in the work of the compiler(s) cannot be denied from these facts. For whereas the ratio between are and be is roughly 1:2 in the new parts, the Bible quotations and Psalms show a ratio of 12: 1, and that in spite of the fact that the Bible translation was about 9 years earlier. Moreover, the new parts (including the adaptations from the Primers, which do not offer sufficiënt matenal for separate comparison) show about the same rate, which points to a common authorship for these various parts. This is entirely in agreement with the facts as suggested by the historical data of the origin of the First Prayer Book, Cranmer being mainly held responsible and the advisory committee merely giving its final assent on points of theological controversy. 2. Powre downe vpon vs the aboundance of thy mercy. ...and geuyng vnto vs that that our prayer dare not presume to aske. 19515. Collect. neither durst any man aske hym. 20726. and of other durste no man ioyne/ioyne himselfe to them 25436. 3. The several spellings in the present and indicative probably indicate one and the same sound, namely eMoE. u: from ME.o;, as there is no reason to suppose the contrary. Botho and oo stood for this sound, and e in most cases is a meaningless tag. The 3rd person sing. present will be discussed below. (Endings). The past participle requires special discussion. A form like dooen may be eliminated at once as due to the occasional spelling of the infinitive (dooe). The spellings doen and doone may be due to the same cause. The vowel about this time was a: or u. Now eMoE.ii; from ME.o; is represented by o or oo, never by oe. So this spelling may be eliminated as due to the infimtive or to forms like doeth, doest. The forms done, doone may both represent m or u, it is difficult to dedde which. 4. goe, go and goo represent eMoE. o: from ME. o:. 7. I doe you to wete after what maner 19325. 1. Cor. 15. This is probably an example of the lengthening of ME. i to e:, eMoE. i:. I wote what to doe 19011. neyther wote I what thou sayest HOOI. I wot not what thou sayestfe 10034, 11737- 11801. ye wot not what ye aske 25302. The form wot is the usual form. Twice wote is found but it is uncertain whether e is functional here, (which would point to a long vowel), or meaningless. The division of the forms, however, deserves closer examination. The short form is found before not, the form in e only without nou There is a slight possibility that this difference in spelling stands for an actual difference in length. Wist ye not that I must go 06513. Lu. 2. neyther wiste they what to aunswere him 10816. Mk. 14. And he came out.... & wyst not that it was truth 24715. Acts 12. 8). The regular preterite is would. Wolde, which occurs twice on the same page, is a curious form: what he wolde do 22122, as much as thei wold 22133. John VI. As has been shown in the Introduction (p. XX), this form is due to the Great Bible. For an explanation of this form see Wright. EHNEG. § 412. 66. Endings. The verbal endings that come in for discussion are: -est, -eth, -ed, -en, and -t. The 3rd petson sing. present invariably has -ejth, never -e)s. 1). -est. This ending is regularly spelled -est, e.g.: makest, hearest, slepest, sittest, lettest, forgauest, modest, diddest, dyddest, dydest, preservedest. In the preterite of weak verbs and of to do forms without e are usual: calledst 26101, destroyedst 10311, didst 22503, 23123, 29115 didste 29117. The vowel in this ending was occasionally mute in the 15th c. (Jordan § 291) and even in Chaucer.a) There is some evidence of its being mute in Wyattb). In Shakespeare it is regularly mute.8) On the other hand there is the MoE. form [-ist], in which the quality of the vowel need not represent a regular development a) . That thou ne haddest non hardement. RJt. (B) 02487. Whan thou thenkist on hir semlinesse. ibid. 02818. b) . For instance in the poem beginning My Me, awake, lines 19—20: Vengeaunce shall fall on thy disdayn that makest but game on ernest pain; Early Sixteenth Century Lyrics by F. M. Padelford. Boston and London. Heath & Co. 1906. p. 26, XXIV. sleep'st J. C. II. 1.46,48 receiv'st 57. Sonnets: presenfst LXX.8, mightst XCVL11 wouldst 12, didst XCTX.2, forgefst Cl spentTst 3, know'st CXXXL3, lovest (= hv'st) CXXXVI.14, need'st GXXXIX.7, tüd'st 2 Henry IV : IV.5.105 seek'st 96. 8 from ME. and eMoE.-forms, though the spelhnij-ut » found in ME. (cf. note 2) and eMoE. (cf. tokist Primer 1546, Table VII). A full discussion of this question hes hardly withm the scope of the present work. The only thing that can be stated with absolutecertainty,is that the text regularly spells -est in the present and (with some exceptions) -st in weak pretentes and in didst. Cf. pp. 47 and 66. After vowels doublets are often found: doest, dooest {less often); maiest 08404, mayst 26017, 30811 , saiest, sayest 04237 et pass.; seest 07705. In this case there is no doubt that the forms without e are m most cases the historical forms, the e-forms being new-formations oTdHlgy of consonant sterns. Thus the OED. gives sayst aToccurring from the 13* c. onward, sayest from the 16* c. onw. jThe form seiest, which occurs in the 13* c, is not found in the 14* and 15* centuries.) A similar state of things is revealed in the case of maystt (14* c. onw.), maiest 15* c, 16* c.; leüt 13* l6t\'^'[ dost 12* c onw., doest 16* c. onw.; sest 13* c.-15th. c., <;eest 14* c. onw. . , „ There is as yet no tracé of any differentiaüon, as between MoE. dost and doest. In fact, *e text only has doest and dooest and these forms are used without any distinction: Wee bee taught.... that thou doest dispose 26926. Doest thou forsake the deuül and all hts workes 30629. Dooest thou not thinke that thou arte bound to beleue 31827 What dooest thou chiefely learne by these commaundements 32025. Cf. also doth, doeth. 2) -eth. In the case of this ending conditions are slightly different. There is evidence of e being mute in this ending m Chaucer. ) , in some cases this can also be proved for Wyatt b). In Shakespeare, however, *e full form is usually found'). This is undoubtedly ^)7cha^cer Handbuch by M. Kaluza. Leipzig, Tauchnitz 1919. p. 228 and C.T.A. 1297 yeueth. Lak of Stedfastnesse. 9. makith. b) . Early Sixteenth Ccntury Lyrics p. 20. XIX, 15. Yet helpythe yt not: I fynd no better ese. K, 2 the sonne retorneth that was vnder the clowde. 7. and eke the willowe, that sto(u)peth with the W™' TC „ , 35 c) . feedeth V.A. 63, burneth 196, hateth Sonnet CXLK.5, burneth JC.II.1.35, lurketh Henry V ; 1.1.49. owing to the fact that Shakespeare only used the form for metrical requirements. In other cases he used the form -i a). So in this case there is direct evidence of the preservation of the vowel, which in its turn was probably the reason that the ending was preserved at all by the side of -5. The text gives no evidence as to the pronunciation. After consonants the spelling is always -eth, e.g.: maketh, shineth, speaketh, sytteth, setteth, cummeth, sweareth, standeth, swetteth, sheweth. After vowels both -th and -eth are found: doeth, doth, dooth (rare) 27314, goeth (reg.), goth 10828, 24925, sayeth, saieth, sayth, seeth (only). The forms in e are in most cases new formations. Cf. OED. 3—5 doth, 5- doth, 6—7 doeth; 3- saith, 6- saieth (2—3 seieö but no e-forms in 4 and 5); 4- seeth, 4—5 seth, 5—6 sethe. In the case of lay this cannot be proved: 2 lei^d, 3—4 leit), 4 layp, 5—6 layth, 3 lei^ed, 4—5 leiep, 4- lay eth. A comparison of doeth and doth shows no traces of differentiation : My soule doth magnifie the lorde 02923. Whatsoever he doth it shall prospere 03519. Whoso dothe these thynges : shall neuer fall 06806. ther is none y doth good 06528. All the earth doeth wurship thee 02316. All the worlde doeth knowlage thee 02328. there is not one that doeth good 06522. The existence of forms without e is proved by the spelling in the case of the 2nd person of may and see and in the 3rd person of do, see, say and go ; in see it is the only form in both persons. Frans assumes that dost and doest had the same value in Shakespeare. § 175. 3). -ed. The ending of the preterite and past participle of weak verbs is mostiy spelled -ed. There are, however, the usual -t-forms, which occurred already in ME. See weak verbs pp. 86 ff. Some examples of past participles ending in t, may be mentioned here: toste: a wave of the sea, whiche is toste of the windes 23820. past i your synnes past 27202. a). Cf. A New English Grammar by H. Sweet. Oxford, Clarendon Press 1900. Part I. § 1259-60. that which is past 36421. wont: other thinges as were wont to be offered 29229. burnt: burnt offeryng 36612, -inges 18. After vowels doublé forms are usual: saied, sayed and midfe, sayd(e, which is about three times as numerous. There is no tracé of differentiation: he.... sayed vnto hym 04035. Jesus sayd vnto thé 04037. the saied monethes 00616, the saied poraons 00624. the sayd noumbre 00609. what Psalmes shalbe sayd at Matyns 00621. Whether the two spellings represent different pronuncütions cannot be decided from our text. All that can be said, is that the monosyllabic pronunciation must have existed. The same reasoning holds good for the preterite and past participle of lay: pret. laid(e, layde, layed; pp. laid, layde. layed. Both in the case of say and in that of lay, the doublé forms date from a much earlier period, in which a doublé pronunciation undoubtedly occurred. OED. pret.: 1-2 s^de, 2-5 seide 3-6 say de, 3- said; 4 seyede, sepde, 5 seyed, 5-7 saied, sayed;pp. l"e)szid, 2-3 iszid(e, 4 y-sayd, 2-5 seide 5-7 sayed 6 sa*d say'd, 2- said; pret.: 4- laid, 5-7 layed, laied; pp. 4- laid, 4—7 laide, layed. Cf. also Frans § 380. We always find shewed both in pret. and pp. 4. -en (in the pp. of strong verbs). After w we always find the full form m spelling: drawen, knowen, growen, hewen, sowen. These endings show normalisation in spelling and are pvobzbly dufto the en spellings after consonants. Whether a bisyllabic form was indeed pronounced cannot be concluded from this text. 1. Cummen is a late survival. See Strong Verbs. 5. As in MoE., t is the usual ending of most of the irregular verbs in the 2nd person sing. pres.: wilt, shalt, art. There is, however, one case in which shall is found: I wyll enfourme thee and teache thee in the waye wherein thou shaü go. 08410'. Cf. OED. a. l—2scealt, etc, B. 3—4 salie, 3—5 sale, schal, 4—5 shal, 5 schallfe, shal(l)e, 7—8 dial. shall. (from the 14th c. onwards only North; in early Southern and Midland examples (Layamon. etc) the initial s represents ƒ). So this is probably a dialect form 2. In another passage the facsimile also has thou shaü 22421. This is owing to the fact that it has been wrongly touched up. The original has shalt. 67. The Imperative. As in MoE. the imperative has the form of the infinitive, e.g.: forgeue 02111, come 02132, brynge, breake, etc Be is used both in the singular and in the plural: 04512 (pl.), 05329 (sing.). 68. The Subjunctive. The present subjunctive occurs fairly frequendy, e.g.: take 07712, stand 06424, haue 06620, geue 06625, goe 06630, be 06426. All the examples are of the 3rd person sing. The preterite subjunctive of to be is were, occasionally wer, e.g.: as it wer 17013. whether it wer I or they 19409. 69. The Present Participle always ends in -ing(e, -yng(e, e.g.: standing 06714, knowyng 09010, etc 70. The Gerund. The gerund always ends in -ing(e, -yng(e, e.g.: weping and gnashing of teeth 06921. after the workyng of his power 06215. APPENDIX. The following quotations illustrate the use of are and be(e in the present plural. As it is often doubtful whether befe in these cases should be considered a subjunctive, similar constructions in which are or the singular is is used, have been adduced, if possible. The first list contains all the doubtful cases in which the forms have been considered to be indicatives. The second, those in which they have been considered subjunctives. The author is well aware that in many cases the decision must seem rather arbitrary, but it should not be forgotten that in order to form a correct opinion about the function of a certain form, the whole context should be consulted. Even then some forms are sometimes difficult to judge. In how far the use of are or befe at the time of the First Prayer Book was a matter of style rather than of grammar, cannot be decided here. This much is certain, that the relation between style and grammatical category which has been proved by Glunz for the OE. period,a) is present here also. Even if those examples which in the opinion of others might perhaps be better classified as subjunctives, were subtracted from the cases used in compiling the table on p. 89, the figures mentioned there would undergo but scant modification and the general conclusions about the use of are and befe in the present plural would be the same. List I. Cases in which befe has been considered to be an indicative. whensoeuer there bee any proper Psalm.es. 00816. Rubric 1. Cf. wheresoeuer the beginnyng of any Lesson.... is not expressed 00826. Rubric When there are many to he Baptized. 30819. So are we forbidden by the Catholike religion : to say there be three goddes, or three lordes. 03219. Quicunque vult. '). Die Verwendung des Konjunktivs im Altenglischen, by H. Glunz. The powers that be, are ordeined of God. 07029. N.T. Possibly a subjunctive. Latin has an indicative, Greek a pr.pa. graunte.... that.... wee maie thynke those thynges that bee good. 15635. Collect. thy synnes be(e forgeuen thee 20923 27. Matth DL 2. 5. Latin : Confide, fili, remittuntur tibi peccata tua. (2). dirnittuntur tibi peccata tua. (5). Gk. aq>êojYTCU ooi di afiapxim (oov. 2 Cf Wherfore I say vnto thee, many synnes are forgeuen her 25108. And he sayd vnto her : thy synnes are forgeuen thee 25110. Luke VII. 47. 48. „, , , Latin has remittuntur in both cases, Gk. & weomen _„„„„ 05501 weomen J women women 23410 weomen women women women 33321 weomen weomen women [Whitchurch's part] 35902 weomen weomen women [Whitchurch's part] 07106 swerde swerde sworde sworde 10824 sweordes sweordes swordes swordes 31 sweord sweorde sworde sword 34 sweordes sweordes swordes swordes 11715 sweorde sweorde sword sworde 21 sweordes swordes swordes swordes 12736 sword sworde sworde sworde 12802 sweorde sweord sworde sworde 24604 33 sworde (2) sworde (2) sworde (2) sworde (2) 22122 wolde woulde would would 33 wold would woulde woulde 30910 - Bushop Bushope Bishoppe [Whitchurch's part] 31805 Bushop Bushop Byshop [Whitchurch's part] 29603 bishop bishop bishop [Whitchurch's part] 31711 Busshop Bushop Byshop [Whitchurch's part] 12712 weorkes workes workes workes 13020 giuë geuë geuen genen 20629 gyuen geuen genen genen 27431 awne owne awne awne 15504 nether neither nether nether 27432 particuliarly particulerly particularly particularly 35638 Collet 1 cu Collect Collect 35701 Collette ƒ 00417 orde ordre ordre ordre 08410 thou shaü shalt shaü shaü 20632 knowleage knowledge knowlege knowlege 00319 pp.: bee bee bee bee 02434 sterres stoms sterres stern 35325 (2) starre, -j starre, -s starre, -s [Whitchurch] 03910 starres starres starres starres 04530 starres starres starres starres 35336 35402 35404 04520 02521 03910 14 26 26737 26811 17 27009 14 2770811 28006 28334 28625 32 28923 earthe yearthy earthy yearthy earthy yearth yearthe earth earth earth clerkes e e clearkes e e e e e e clarkes clarkes earthe earthy earthy earthy earthy earth yearth earth earth earth clearkes [Always ea.] yearth yearthy yearthy yearthy yearthy yearth earth yearth yearth yearth clerkes [Always e except clarkes 26817.] [Whitchurch] yearth earth yearth yerth yerth clerkes [Always e except clearkes 27009] TABLE III. This table contains some forms occurring on pages 67, 68 and 69 of the Prayer Book of March 7th, with the alternate readings found in the other editions.a) Whitchurch Whitchurch Grafton Grafton (partly) March 7th, 1549. May 4th, 1549. March 1549 March 8th, 1549. C. 25.1. 14 C. 25.1. 2. C. 25.1. 12. 06730 ff. Ps. XV. Soondaye Sonday Sonday Sonday trueth truthe harte hearte harte harte euil euill euell euel neighbour y y ou neighbours neyghbors y ou 06802 ff. own iyes owne awne eyes awne eyes sweareth sweareth swereth a). geuen a). a). Collect. daungiers foorth through Rom. 12. eiuil eiuil euel euel euel euel sayth coales of fyre fire fire head hed hed eiuill eiuill euel euell euel euell Matth. 8. worshypped Maister Master 3 b) foorth forth 3 cleansed clensed 3 06901 ff. priest Moses them Moyses thë Moses theim Maister Master 3 seruaunt greuously greueously 3 aunswered answered 3 woorthie worthy 3 woorde worde 3 seruaunt seruaüt autoritie auctoritee 3 souldiers souldiours 3 goe goeth go ' 3 come cummeth come commeth 3 cömeth seruaunt doe doeth do doth do 3 heard wordes wordes merueiled meruailed y them theim 3 verely heauen darkenes goe darcknes go 3 3 seruaunt a) Only deviations from C. 25. 1. 14 are mentioned. b) 3 = the same form as in C. 25. 1. 2. 9 TABLE IV. Table giving a comparison of The Lord's Prayer, Te Deum, Benedictus, Magnificat and Nunc dimittis as they occur in the Prayer Book of 1549, the Primer of 1546, the Manuall of 1539 and the Primer of 1535. Only deviations from the Prayer Book version are given. Cf. Intr. p. XIV.l) Prayer Book 1549. Matins. a. The Lord's Prayer p.21. in earthl(forgeue(2) ) b. Te Deum. p.23. we knowlage the earth doeth wurship thee, the father To thee al Angels cry aloud, all the powers To thee Cherubin, and Seraphin Holy, holy, holy, Lorde God of Sabaoth Heauen and earth are replenyshed with the maiestie throughout knowlage whan/whan/ouercomed p.24. helpe/bloud sainctes wurship c. Benedictus. Luke 1.68-79. p.26. he hath visited and redemed an hornejto As he spake by the mouth of His holy Prophetes: which hath bene syns shouldelfromla.il that hate vs sware (geue) p.27. (to geue) an hygh (geue) them Evensong. d. Magnificat. Luke 1.46-55. p.29. doth (magnifie) (spirite) reioysed lowelinesse from henceforth all generacions shal cal hath magnified me, and holy thë/throughoute al generacions their hartes p.30. sente awaye emptye e. Nunc dimittis. Luke II. 29—32. woorde myne iyesjsaluacion (for to lighten) Primer 1546 (C. 35.a.l8) 2). The Lord's Prayer, the same as in P.I in yearth/forgeue (2) euyl. Te Deum (in Matins). we knoweledge the yearth/worshyp al powers heauen and yearth are full of the Magestie thorough knoweledge when/when/ouercome healpe blood saintes worshyp Benedictus (in Laudes). the horne/to hath ben sithens shulde sware (geue) (to geue) an hygh (geue) theym (almost literally the same as in Prayer Book) Magnificat (in Evensong). doeth hath reioysed hencefurth theym/throughout al generations their heart sent emptye awaye Nunc dimittis (in Complin). worde eyes/saluation (for to lyghten) Manuall 1539 (C. 12.e.l3) >. [absent] Te Deum. knowlege do worshyp the, which arte To the crye forthe all angels, the powers To the thus cryeth Cherubyn and Seraphyi contynually Holy art thou (3). Thou art the Lorde Goe of hostes. [etc] [There are considerable differences from th( primer of 1546 and from the First Prayei Book.1 Benedictus. an home/vnto euen as he promysed which were syns shulde/of them that hate vs [etc] [Different both from Primer 1546 and P.B. 1549.] Magnificat. magnifieth sprete hath reioyced lowe degre now from hens forth shall all generacions hath done to me greate thynges, and blessed [etc] [different] Nunc dimittis. promysse my eyes/sauynge helthe [etc] Primer 1535. (C.25.g.l7) [In the main the same as the Manuall of 1539, but with the following deviations :] [absent] Te Deum. erthe mought worshyp (erth) Benedictus. graciously visited and redemed our myghty helth prophetes of a longe tyme paste [etc] Magnificat. , ( magnifieth) spirite reioyseth on the poore (degree) hath magnified me, wherfore blessed [etc] Nunc dimittis. promysse the sauiour [etc] 1) A full comparison of the texts of 1535 and 1539 with that of 1546 or the Prayer Book text is not piven hPrP Th* ft> . aa „a u used for the Prayer Book can only have been the 1546 text. (see also table V). 6 ^ quotatlons adduced here *how that the text 2) This column only contains differences in wording and the main differences in spelling as compared with the Prayer Book. TABLE V. A Comparison of the Translations of Benedictus and Magnificat as occurrinp- in the Pr«»«. ^ • r ui ~ and the English Primers and showing the derivation of the Prayer Book y^^t^^^cX^^tJT^""' Book verslons are gtven, unless mention to the contrary is made. Cf. Introd. p. XIV Y devIatlonS from the PrayM First Prayer Book 1549. Luke 1.46-55. Magnificat 46. My soule doth magnifie the lorde. 47. And my spirite reioysed in God my sauioure. 48. For he hathe regarded the lowelinesse of h handemaiden. For beholde from henceforth all generacions sh cal me blessed. 49. For he that is mightye hath magnified me, an holy is his name. 50. And his mercie is on the that feare hu throughoute al generacions. 51. He hath shewed strength with his arme, he hat scatered the proude in the imaginacion of thei hartes. 52. He hath put down the mightie from their seate and hath exalted the humble and meeke. 53. He hathe filled the hungrye, with good thynges and the riche he hath sente awaye emptye. 54. He remembring his mercie, hath holpen hi. seruaunt Israël : 55. as he promised to oure fathers, Abraham ana his seede for euer. Luke 1.68-75. Benedictus. 68. Blessed be the lorde God of Israël: for he hath visited and redemed his people. 69. And hath lyfted vp an home of saluacyon to vs: in the house of his seruaunt Dauid. 70. As he spake by the mouth cf his holy Prophetes : which hath bene syns the world began. 71. That we shoulde be saued from our enemies : and from the handes of all that hate vs. 72. To perfourme the mercy promised to our fathers : and to remember his holy couenaunt. 73. To perfourme the othe whiche he sware to our father Abraham : that he woulde geue vs. 74. That we being deliuered out of the handes of our enemies : might serue him without feare. 75. In holynesse and ryghteousnes before him all the dayes of our lyfe. etc. Wycliffe. Tyndale 1525 or 1526. magnyfieth magnifieth hath gladid in God, myn sprete reioyseth helthe. 's [etc] hked on the poure degre off his hödemaydë il [Different from Prayer Beholde nowe from hens B°°k] forth shall all d hath done to me greate things and blessed n is always on thë thorow oute * them that are/herts r seats/them of lowe degre : and hath sent awaye the ryche empty. He hath remembred mercy: Israhel euen as/to his seede Blessid/maad redempcioun Blessed of his puple. rerid to vs an hom of reysed vppe the home off heelthe/of Dauid, his chüd. healthe vnto vs. spak/that weren fro the Euen as he promised by world. the mougth/which were sense. helthe (l)fro oure enemyes, shulde/hondis and fro the hoond/hadden To do merci [etc] fadris To shewe mercy towards [Entirely different from oure fathers :/hys Prayer Book ; no further holy promes. comparison needed.] That is to saye the oothej Abraham for to geue vs. That we deliueredIhonds in suche holynes and ryghtewesnes that are accept before him. Coverdale 1535. Matthew 1539. Cranmer ^ (Great Bible) Prymer 1535. Manuall 1539. Prymer 1546. magnifieth magnyfyeth magnifieth magnifieth magnifyeth (doeth) sprete reioyseth sprete reioyseth my sprete hath reioysed spirite reioyseth sprete hath reioyced. hath reioysed loked upö the lowe degre loked on the poore degre hath loked on low degre on the poore degree lowe degre geholde frö hence forth Beholde, no,, frö hence for lo- now from hence beholde now from hens beholde now from hens aü f0Hh ShaU aU fonh shal aU f°rth forth shall all generacions hath done greate thinges hath done to me greate hath don to me greate (hath magnified me) /wher- hath done to me greate thlng6S- thin^S fore/blessed thyngeSr and blJed is endureth thorow out all thorow out from generacion to gene- (thrughout) alwayes generacions vpon them that racyon feare him. scatreth them that are sheweth/scatereth them thë y are proud/herte scatereth/hertes hartes heart proude/hert that are proud/hertes. he putteth/the seate and putteth down/seates/exal- seates and exalted them plucked dom™ ™„ „f *<,„*»«i*u * i j exalteth them of lowe degre. teth them of lowe degre. of lowe degre. Po^kZZowTyone!. * ^ he fylleth/and letteth the He fylleth/sendeth the and sent awaye the ryche The hunerv m*» h„ u different from Prayer are given.] ë ' 3ook] Praysed graciously visited. raysed/vnto he hath set vp our myghty vnto the(horne) helthe/Dauid his seruaunt. Euen as he promysed/ prophetes of a longe tyme euen as he promysed/ (sithens) whych were sence paste. which were syns Shulde shulde/hande Promysyng that we shulde shulde/of them that hate (shalde) be vs. That he wolde deale [etc] Mfyll/promysyd/(holy) [Verbally the same as mercyfuiiy witn om [Different from Prayer testament t^e prayer Book. For spel- fathers, and remember Book.] ling variants cf. Table IV]. WOlde and ^at he wolde per- performe/swareiwold gyue forme/for to geue vs hymselfe. That we delyuered That we delyuered [etc] all the dayes of oure [Different from Prayer such lyfe> in soch holynes óc Book] rightewesnes as are accept before him. TABLE VL This table contains some curious forms occurring in the First Prayer Book, with the corresponding readings in three other editions of the Prayer Book, in the various editions of the Great Bible, and occasionally, in the Coverdale and Matthew Bibles.1) Prayer Books. Page Text March 7th 1549. May 1549. March 1549. March 8th 1549. and line Whitchurch. Whitchurch. C. 25. 1.2. C. 25. 1. 12. Grafton. Grafton. 11307 Mark 15 weomen o o o 11311 weomë o o o 10824 Mark 14 sweordes eo o o 31 sweord eo o o 34 sweordes eo o o 13020 John 19 giuë e e e 20629 l.Cor.1. gyuen e e e 12712 Hebr.10 weorkes o o o 16425 Acts 2 weorkes eo o o 07812 Luke 8 sprong (pp.) o o o 14 sprang (pret.) a a a 15 sprong (pret.) o a a 22122 John 6 wolde ou ou ou 33 wold ou ou ou 22108 Jer. 23 earth earth yearth earth 12831 John 18 eiuill euil euil euil 32 euill euill euill euil 03910 ff. John 21 starres a a a earth earth yearth yearth through heartes 3) 3) 3) 14 earth earth yearth yerth 26 earth earth yearth yerth 25115 ff. Psalml48 Sainct saint heauen heigth Angels host hoste Sonne Sunne sunne sunne Moone starres heauens (2) spake worde woorde woorde commaunded geuen yearth earth Fyer worde woorde fruitfull wormes woormes fethered yearth earth Yongmen Youngmen heauen yearth sainctes people serueth serue serueth 25209 if. Collect Graunt thyne holy thorough through through Gospel 23404 Luke 1. sixth sixt sixt moneth Angell citie citee Angel among emong weomen women women women shoulde angel wombe woumbe o highest geue reigne angel (2) aunswered answered answered her gost ghost highest cosin sixth sixt sixt moneth vnpossible sayde said saied woorde o o Angell her Great Bibles. April 1540. July 1540. November 1540. May 1541. November 1541. December 1541. Whitchurch. Grafton. Grafton. Whitchurch. Whitchurch. Grafton. wemen e e e e e wemen e e e e e ea ea ea e ea ea ea ea ea ea ea ea ea ea ea ea ea ea e e e e e e e e e e e e o o o o o o o o o2) o o o o o o o o 3) a o a o a a a a a a o o ou o o o 0 0 ou o 0 0 3) 3) earth earth earthe 3) euyll euyll euel euyl euel euyll euyll euell euel euell euel euell a a a a a a erth e e e ea ea thorow thorowe through thorow thorowe thorowe e e ea e e e erth ea ea ea ea ea erth ea e ea ea ea 3) 3) 3) 3) 3) 3) a au a aungels a au 00 00 00 u u u u u 00 o o o oo 0 gyuen gyuen earth earth earth earth earth earth fyre y y V V v u u u u u u federed d th th th d earth earth earth earth earth earth earth earth earth earth earth earth sayntes sayntes [The Collect cannot be compared] syxt syxt syxte sixt sixt syxt emong wemen e e e e e shulde shulde shulde syxt sVxl sext syxt sext syxt Coverdale 1535. Matthew 1537. e e absent e e ea e ea e ea [Not compared] heauens [Not compared] hygh places powers sunne sterres commaundement set comma üdement frute serpëtes earth/earth youth old & young approchyng vnto hym [Cannot be compared] [Not compared] *) Forms that are the same as those in the Prayer Book are not mentioned. Differences like l and 11, y and i have been neglected. 2) This o is not clear but can be surmised. 3) This form has not been compared. TABLE VIL This table contains a great many curious spellings occurring in the Primer of 1546, occasionally compared with the spellings in the corresponding passages of the Prayer Book, the Primer of 1535 and the Manuall of 1539. Primer 1535 gyue/thankesgyuy nge erthejmought worshyp erth helthjshuldelgyue(2) forgyuenes heuens the erth mought loaut spirite Ithrughoutl hertes HHNHf Manuall 1539. Prologue. shulde/workes/Lesson/Jhon XVIII/ sweard/geuen gyue/thankesgeuyng knowlege /earth/worshyp/earth/ throughout/whan/shuldest ouercome/' openedst /sayntes/worshyppe syns/shulde/sware/wold/gyue/ To gyue (3 paryse and extoll/hym/angellesjheauens sonne/mone/heuë/'sterres/hore frostes/ fyer/the earth mought/prayse jthe earth ayre/prestes/herte sprete / hensforth/generacions/hartes my eyes/sauynge helthe Primer 1546. Pr furth/Clergie/learned/red (pp.)/thoroughout/ other (pl.) /imprinted/yere In IVNCTION. Henry the eyght/in yearth/Clergie / emong/authoritie (2)/shulde/hertes/rather then/are(2)/furth/ English, -ysshe (5) /geuen/cleargy Prayer of our Lorde. in yearth (2)/forgeue (2) /euyl in Salutation. women Creed. heuen and yearth/forgeuenes Commandments. yearth (2)/beneth Graces. eyes / heartes feuill/workes /yearth Mattins. healpe/women 01 Venite. the yearth/the earthjsheape/workes/heartes/swore 01 id lam Lucis: workes Ps. XXIII. yearth Te Deum. knoweledge (v.)/'yearth/worshyp/do crye/yearthj h thorough/knoweledge (v.)/whenjwhen/ouercome tl (pp.)/diddest open/healpe/blood/saintes/worshyp oi sc Laudes. helpe Psalm LXVI. yearth(2)l Psalm CXLVIII heauen(s(3)/angels/sunne/moone/sterres/worde/ yearth(e(4) /Fyer/lyttle/frute/fethered/youthe/ young /saynctes / approchyng Benedictus. (Luke 1). sithens /shulde/sw are/would(e)/geue/to geue/geue/ s_ theym 8 Benedicite. (Daniël III). workes jangels jheauês /sunne/moone /sterres /fyer/ p yearth(2) /seas /fluddes layer(=ah) Ipriestes/hart e Collectes thorough Christe (reg.)/saynctes/ye be/ad(=arii) hundred fold/blud/workes/geue/heartes(2) /shoulde Prime help(2) / helper/pore( 2) Evensong helpe/furth/yearth/myre/woulde/yearthe/furth/ forth/worke Ps. CXXXVII thankesgyuing/geue (next line)/heart/yearth/ furth( 2)/forgeue Magnificat (Luke 1). doeth/spirite/hencefurth/theym/throughout al i generations/heart c Complin yearth Nunc dimittis (Luke 2). worde/eyes/saluation/darknes/heartes i Letany ( bludde/euil/assautes/deceiptes/murder/ ; sodayn/hardnes of heart/bluddye sweat) i welth/geuyng(e(2) ] furthjgeuyng/truthe/geae/an heart/ dred furth/fruites/weke hearted/ women/forgeue/sclaunderours/geue/ j yearth/geue/forgeue/and suffer us not to be led < into temptation/euylljanswere/euyls/ ■, subtiltie/worketh/naught/geue/throuSh/workes/ < pitefully/dolour/gratiously (2)l 1 answere/euyls/ [follows a part which is absent m tne Litany | of 1549] geuë/when/desiers [Both litanies agree iü using the form letany.] Prayers „markesjstirxed Ja jtrayse Dirige bluddye/stirred/shylde/swarue/nether (= neither)/ euil/helth/sodenly/yearth/thou tokist/yearth/ verelyf 2) /euyll/theym/fyre/them/yearth Commendations serche/worke/waulked (by the side of walke) / wold God/hert/lerned/heartfe (3) /workes/wordes (always) /swaruedj yearth/beleaued/hert(e( 2) /heart/ searche/ther(often)lhealthjmi hert hath bene adred/helpe/shepe Psalmes of the Passion hart/helpe/yearth/they are mo the y heares of my head/whan The Passion swerde/swerd/dore(2) Ifyre/co ales/'euel/euyl/ Than(2)jshulde (3)/shoulde/1 leuse (=loose, let loose, in Pilate's speech) /scorged/souldiers/faulte/ answered/aunswered/except it were geuen the/ whan(2)/the disciple toke her for his owne/hede/ brake(2) /shulde/persed^ pierced) / Thd ayer Book 1549. earth '122 helpe '205 idem /02208 the drye lande/shepe/ em/hartes/sware lowlage (v.) jearthjwurship/doe crye/earthl •roughout/knowlage (v.)/whan/whan/ tercomed/diddest open/helpe/bloud/ lindes/wurshyp ms/shoulde/sware/woulde/geue/to geue/ lue/them .24. id./id. heauens/id./id./id./fier/yearth/ arth/id./floudes/ayre/id./heart .29. dothjspiritejhenceforth/thë/throughute al generacions/hartes ).30. woorde/iyes/saluacion [absent] virgins, angels, patriarchs, etc. omitted) ''.9520 bloude/euill/assaultes/deceytes/ murher/sodain 29604/^-/29611 bloudy sweatej '5 wealth/30 geayng (l)/(azme. of the Cing changed, Queen and Prince omitted) / 15 foorth/id,/29708 trueth/geue jan heart/ '6 dread 21 forth/id. 27 weake hearted/35 d./29809 id. 29810 sclaunderers/ïd./13 arth/16 ïd./17 id./29901 and leade vs tot into temptacion/id./aunswere/12 id./ ubteltie/id./nought/ id./'thorough/id./'29 tytifully/sorowes/ 29934 35 graciousely (2) / 10003 aunswere/08 euilles/ partly absent in this Litany] 30014 geuen/16 whan/18desires. TABLE VHI. Peculiar spellings occurring in the Order of the Communion of 1548, and compared with the corresponding passages in the Prayer Book of 1549. The Order of the Communion. March 8th, 1548. (Grafton). p.1. Fraunce/in erthe/hed/holdê/blissed/bludde/thensfurth/least (= \est)/blissed/preuye (= ptivy)/ blessed. p.2. four me/a ucthoritie/tha duise(=the advice) /furth (2) /blessed/unworthyjbloude/awne (=own)/ dampnacion/them selfes (2)/them (reg.) /further/ernestly/entende / aucthorite/more (adv.). p.3. awne/authoritie/hotly/wold/to missike our Judgement/or woulne not do/worde/earnest/ priuey/ furth/doubt/subiettes (t=cf). p.4. personne (=parson)/geue/those which be presente/therto. The Book of the Common Prayer. x) March 7th, 1549. (Whitchurch). The Prayer Book has no similar passage. From this line onward the wording in the Prayer Book is derived from the Communion Office. dere frendes/you (voc) entende bloude/frmctfull/be (lrst pl.)/ wher of/we be/hartye. p.5. stedfaste/earnest/more (adv.)/ harty/geuen (4)/unworthy/death/ shed (pp.)/bludde/bloude/receaue/ worthely/unworthely /searchef awne/should. p.6. banket/worthye/euell/unfayned/ harte /woorde/requier/hartes/thamendement/emonges your selfes/ neig hboures Ihartes/hatered p.7. forgeue (2)/other (p\.)/woulde/ shoulde Here follows a passage in which Communion Service. p.27233 intende/ p273 fruitfull/ whereof/wee bee. heartie/ bloude/receyue/ worthilye/( unworthely) /serche/ owne. euill/ hearte/worde/require / p.274 thamendment/ neighborsj'heartes/hatred. 27408 the Prayer Book deviates from the x) Only deviations from the Communion Service are mentioned ; final e, and the use of i or y being eliminated. learned/adwoydyng/doeth/further/ tharticuler and secret confessyon/ owne/particulerly. p.8. them whiche are/awnelworde TeceauedjmasselfourmelavdtaTel them that are. p.9. ye/commyng/themselfes/or euer (= before)/ then (stressed adverb of time)/6ene/te (=benefit)/ hartejreceiue/blood/Then (as before)/wee bejdaungerjreceyue/ unworthelie/thenjgilty Ibloud/awne dampnation/youre selfes/that ye be not (subj.)' p.10. desier/repent youlearnestjsauyow(e(2)/ye (nom.)/ geue/harty/ redempcion/darcknes/to thende] atwayelshoulde/Maysterlbloude shedynge. p.11. awne/blessed/bloudelghost (reg.)/ geue/as we are most bound/ ourselfes/them whiche be redyl aduouterer /sory /earnesüy /least («- lest)/blessed/Deuel. p.12. pawse (= pavee v.)/common (= commune v.) /pryttely/leasarel pause (n.)leojnesthelrepent you/be (2nd. pl.) lentende/hartelye/hensfoTthe/drawe nere/gathered. p.13. those that are mynded to receyue/ wee knowlege/worde/hartelyl burthen/forgeue. p.14. through/turnyng hym (2) (=himself) blessed/heauenlyj strëgth (v.). p.27426 auoyding/ 0.27429 the amicaler and secret confessionlawnelparticuliarly. p.27433 them that are/ 27501/owne There is no corresponding passage in the Prayer Book. Here the Prayer Book is again based on the Communion Semce: comfortable wordes/al that.... be heauy laden/U) thende/shoulde/ here (\.)lsaythlworthye. p.15. saynct Jhon saythjwe bee not worthyelcrommeslalwayes/bloude. p.16. blonde/and after to the other (pl.) Idoethlwordes/geuen/bloud (2)lgeuingelforme. hartes/ p.17. answere/the sayd/ then (=than)/ doeth/chaunce/ dooth/ynough/ aulter/wordes (2). p.18. imprinted/the eyght daye. p.28511 coumfortable woordes/to the ende/heare sayeth/woorthie. saint John sayeth/ (be) jwoorthxe/cromes. p.286 and after to the people/ deliuereth/woordesj p.28624fourme. p.28915 heartes Here the similarity ends. TABLE DL Some spelling-peculiarities occurring in two other biblical and liturgical works of the period, with reference to spellings in the Prayer Book» 1. A Latin primer of 1538, entitled : This prymer of Salysbury use is set out a long wout ony serchyng/with many prayers/ and goodly pyctures in te Kalêder in the matyns of our lady / in the houres of the Crosse / in the. VIL psalmes / and in the dyryge. And be newly enprynted at Rowen. MCCCCCXXXVIIJ. The following forms occur in the introductory remarks (the services themselves are in Latin):' a) in: The Maner to lyue wel: gyuê, werkes, forgyuen, gyue, erthe. b) in: The dayes of the Weke Moralysed: werkes(tL), werke (n.). At the end in: c) Certayne Questyons: woldest, ben they, forgyuenes, herte, in warke, warke, workes, forgyuen, ben (3rd p.pl.) (2), vertue, hert, gyft (4). 2. Erasmus' Paraphrase (1549), entitled: The First tome or volume of the Paraphrase of Erasmus vpon the newe testamente. Enpriented at London in Fletestrete at the signe of the Sunne by Edwarde Whitchurche the last daie of Januarie. Anno Domini 1548. This work contains the following spellings: Luke 1. folio IXb. weaxe (inf.). Luke 1. Xa. weomen, weorkyng. womd, understdded. Xlb. salueour,forsouth Xlla. blissed, weorker, acknowelageth, acknoweleagyng, drieuen awai (pp.), theim, deiuils. Xllb. herte. XII(=XIIIa). houngry, leat (inf.). XlIIb. hir (poss. pron. and pers. pron. 3rd person sing.) (3), wer (pret.pl.), monethes (2), puincte. Luke I. XVa. reised up. XVb. swore. XVIa. geue. BIBLIOGRAPHY. OED. = A New English Dictionary on Historical Principles, by J. A. H. Murray. Oxford University Press. BT. = An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, by J. Bosworth and T. N. Toller, Oxford, Clarendon Press. Stratmann. = A Middle-English Dictionary by F. H. Stratmann, A New Edition, rearranged, revised and enlarged by Henry Bradley. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1891. MEG. or Jespersen = A Modern English Grammar on historical principles, by O. Jespersen. Part 1. Sounds and Spellings. Third Edition. Heidelberg, Carl Winter's Universitatsbuchhandlung. 1922. HMEG. or Jordan = Handbuch der Mittel-Englischen Grammatik, von R. Jordan. 1 .Teil. Lautlehre. Heidelberg, Carl Winter, 1925. HG. = Historische Grammatik der Englischen Sprache, von K. Luick. Leipzig, 1913. Untersuch. = Untersuchungen zur Englischen Lautgeschichte von Karl Luick. Strassburg, Trübner. 1896. Studiën = Studiën sur Englischen Lautgeschichte von Karl Luick. Wien und Leipzig, Braumüller, 1903. EHNEG. = An Elementary Historical New English Grammar by J. Wright and E. M. Wright. Oxford University Press, 1924. EMEG. = An Elementary Middle English Grammar by J. Wright, and E. M. Wright. Oxford University Press, 1923. Price = A History of Ablaut in the Strong Verbs. from Caxton to the end of the Elizabethan Period, by H. T. Price. Bonn, 1910. SHE. m A Short History of English, by H. C. Wyld, London, Murray, 1926. HMCE. = A History of Modern Colloquial English, by H. C. Wyld. London, T. Fisher Unwin Ltd. AEB. = Altenglisches Elementarbuch, von K. Bülbring. L Teü. Laudehre. Heidelberg, Carl Winter, 1902. Meyer Lübke = Historische Grammatik der Französischen Sprache. I, von W. Meyer Lübke. 2. und 3. durchgesehene Auflage. Heidelberg, Carl Winter, 1913. Morsbach = Ueber den Ursprung der Neuenglischen Schriftsprache, von Dr. Lorenz Morsbach. Heilbronn, Henninger, 1888. AG. = Angelsachsische Grammatik von E. Sievers. Halle, Niemeyer, 1898. Gramm. = Coopers Grammatica Linguae Anghcanae 1685. Herausgegeben von John D. Jones. Halle, Niemeyer, 1912. HNEG Historische Neuenglische Grammatik von Dr. W. Horn. I. Teü. Laudehre. Strassburg, Trübner, 1908. EDG. = The English Dialect Grammar, by J. Wright. Oxford, Frowde, 1905. Practical Phonogr. = Dr. John Jones's Practical Phonography (1701), edited by Ekwall. Halle a. S., Niemeyer, 1907. Littré = Dictionnaire de la Langue Francaise, par E. Littré. Paris, Librairie Hachette et Cie, 1875. Dictionnaire Général de la Langue Francaise, par A. Hatzfeld et A. Darmesteter. Paris, Librairie Ch. Delagrave. Franz = Shakespeare Grammatik von W. Frans. Heidelberg, Winter, 1909, 2e. Auflage. raik = On Early English Pronunciation by A. J. EUis, London. E.E.T.S., Extra Series 2, 7, 14, and 23. 1896, 1871 and 1874. Histoire de la Langue Anglaise, par Réné Huchon. Tomes I & II. Paris, Librairie Armand Colin. Historische Grammatik der Englischen Sprache. II. Dr. Max Kaluza. Zweite verbesserte und vermehrte Auflage. Berlin, Emil Felber, 1907. Die Sprache Caxtons von Dr. H. Wiencke. Leipzig, Tauchnitz. 1930. Studiën zur Geschichte des Englischen Pronomens im XV. und XVI. Jahrhundert, von Heinrich Spiesz. Halle, Niemeyer, 1897. Early Sixteenth Century Lyrics, by F. M. Padelford. Boston and London, Heath & Co., 1906. Chaucer Handbuch, von M. Kaluza. Leipzig, Tauchnitz, 1919. A New English Grammar by H. Sweet. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1900. Die Verwendung des Konjunktivs im Altenglischen,, von H. Glunz. Leipzig, Tauchnitz, 1930. Grundriss der Germanischen Philologie. Herausgegeben von H. Paul. 2e Auflage. Strassburg, Trübner, 1901. The Cambridge History of English Literature. Cambridge University Press, 1920—22. The Pronunciation of word, by W. van der Gaaf. Neophilologus, IV. Groningen, Wolters. Notes on English Orthography, by W. van der Gaaf. Neophilologus, V. An English Pronouncing Dictionary by D. Jones. London, Dent & Sons, 1926. Historische neuenglische Laut- und Formenlehre, von E. Ekwall. Berlin und Leipzig, Göschen, 1914. The Arden Shakespeare. The Tragedy of Julius Caesar. London, Methuen & Co. 3rd Edition, 1927. The Histories and Poems of Shakespeare. Oxford University Press, 1915. The Poetical Works of Edmund Spenser, edited by J. C. Smith and E. de Selincourt. Oxford University Press, 1929. The Complete Works of Geoffrey Chaucer, edited by W. W. Skeat. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1923. The Booke of the Common Prayer. Whitchurch, March 7th 1549. Grafton, March 1549. Grafton, March 8th 1549. Whitchurch, May 4th 1549. The First Prayer Book of Edward VI. Compared with the Successive Revisions. Oxford and London, Parker and Co. 1877. The First and Second Prayer Books of King Edward the Sixth. London, Dent & Sons, 1927. Outlines of Prayer Book History by W. Prescott Upton. London, Thynne, 1912. Essays on Ceremonial by Various Authors. The Library of Liturgiology & Ecdesiology for English Readers, edited by Vernon Staley. Volume UIL London, The de la More Press, 1904. An Ecclesiastical History of Great Britain etc. by Jeremy Collier. New Edition with a Life of the Author etc, by Thomas Lathbury. London, Straker, 1852. The British Magazine and Monthly Register of Religious and Ecdesiastical Information, Parochial History, etc London, 1849, Vol. XXXVI, pp. 278-9. The First Prayer Book of King Edward VI, edited by Vernon Staley. Library of Liturgiology and Ecdesiology, vol. 2. London, The De la More Press, 1903. The Holy Table, Name and Thing, more andentiy, properly, and literally used under the New Testament, then that of an Altar. Written long ago by a minister of Lincolnshire, in answer to D. Coal, a judidous Divine of Q. Maries dayes. Printed for the Diocese of Lincoln 1637. . Ecdesia Restaurata or, the History of the Reformatión of the Church of England etc. by Peter Heylyn. London MDCLXI. Dictionary of National Biography edited by Sidney Lec 2nd Ed. London, Smith, Elder & Co, 1906. The Annales, or Generall Chronide of England begun fust by Maister John Stow, &.... unto the ende of this present yeere 1614, by J. Stow, London 1615. Actes made in the Session of this present Parliament holden upon prorogation at Westrninster, the fourthe daye of November, in the second yeare of our Moste dread soverdgne Lorde, Edwarde the VI.... and there continued and kept to the XIIII daye of Marche in the. III. yere of our said sovereigne Lorde. Statutes made in the Parliament begon at Westminster, the fowerthe day of November, in the firste year of Edward VI Origines Liturgicae or Antiquities of the English RituaL Wiluam Palmer. M.A. 2 vols ; London, Rivington, 1845. The Lift* Times and Writings of Thomas Cranmer, by C. H. Collette. London. G. Redway, 1887. The Life of Thomas Cranmer, by A. C. Deane, London, Macmillan 1927. The Remains of T. Cranmer, by H. Jenkins. 4 vols. Oxon. 1833. The Primer in Englysshe, set furth by the Kynges Maiestie and Clergie, to be taught, learned and red, thoroughout his dominions, all other set a part. MDXLVI. Imprinted at London in Flete strete.... by Edwarde Whitchurche, The XX. day of Auguste, the yere of our lorde. MDXLVI. The Manuall of prayers, or the prymer in Englyshe, etc, set forth by Jhon late bysshoppe of Rochester at the cömaundement of the ryght honorable Lorde Thomas Crüwel, Lorde Privie seale Vicegerent to the Kynges hyghnes, 1539. A goodly prymer in englyshe, newly corrected and printed etc, with the Kyngs most gracibus privilege for. vj. yeres. Imprynted by John Byddell.... for WyUiam Marshall. MDXXXV, XVI day of June. The Annoted Book of Common Prayer, etc, by J. H. Blunt. London, Longmans, Green, and Co, 1903. Memorials of the Most Reverent Father in God, Thomas Cranmer, by John. Strype. Edited by Barnes. London, Roudedge, 1853. History of the Church of England, by R. W. Dixon. London, Roudedge, 1855. The Church History of Britain, etc, by Thomas Fuller, A new Edition in VI volumes by the Rev. J. S. Brewer. Oxford University Press, 1845. A Rationale or Practical Exposition of the Book of Common Prayer by A. Sparrow, to which are prefix'd, the Lives of the Compilers of the Liturgy, etc. by S. Downes. Second Edition. London. Printed by J. Bettenham, for Charles Rivington, 1722. The Holy Bible etc. made from the Latin Vulgate by John Wycliffe and his Followers, edited by the Rev. Josiah Forshall & Sir Frederic Madden. Oxford University Press 1850. A facsimile edition of the New Testament by Tindale (1525 or 1526, Worms) taken from the copy in the Baptist College Library, BristoL Coverdale's Bible Translation, 1535. The Matthew's Bible (Rogers') 1537. The Great Bible by Lord Thomas Cromwell, 1539. The Great Bible. First Edition by Archbishop Cranmer, April 1540, July 1540, November 1540, May 1541, November 1541 and December 1541. F. Fry. A Description of the Great Bible 1539 and the six editions of Cranmer's Bible 1540 and 1541. etc. London, Willis and Sotheran. 1865. The Prayer-Book. Its History, Language and Contents, by E. Daniël. London, Wells Gardner, Darton & Co. 1901, 23rd edition. The Order of Communion. London, Gratton, in the '2nd year of Edward VI', 'the eyght daye of Marche 1548'. A Latin primer of 1538, entitled: This prymer of Salysbury use is set out a long wout ony serchyng/with many prayers/ and goodly pyctures in te Kalëder in the matyns of our lady / in the houres of the Grosse / in the. VIL psalmes / and in the dyryge. And be newly enprynted at Rowen. MCCCCCXXXVIIJ. Erasmus' Paraphrase (1549), entided : The First tome or volume of the Paraphrase of Erasmus vpon the newe testamente. Enpriented at London in Fletestrete at the signe of the Sunne by Edwarde Whitchurche the last daie of Januarie. Anno Domini 1548. INDEX. Page .aultar 3 accoumptes 38, 55 annoyncted ............ 61 are-be(e 89 assoyle 56 awne 41, 42 be(e-are 89 bend .. 1 beneth • 10 bergain . 4 blisse .................. 5 boorde, borde, bourde .... 38 bread 9 bre(a)st 10 bre(a)th 7 brent .................. 83 bury 12 bushop 17,18 celebrate .............. 88 cerimonies .............. 48 chambre .............. 28 chapiter ................ 48 chatisest .............. 59 chüders ................ 80 clarke, clearke, clerke .... 15 clime(th ................ 56 colletfte 61 common ................ 50 conforted 56 coumpted 55 Page crummes 56 dark 14 de(a)d 9 de(a)th 9 demi 12 dowe .................. 63 dre(a)deful(l 7 dredde 10 drougth 63 dumme ................ 56 earth 14,15 Ebrues 64 emong 43 enbraced. 56 ensa(u)mple 4 Ester day 9 euü(l, euelfl, eiuil(l ....29,30 excomunicate .......... 88 eye, iye ................ 35 eyght 57,81 feade 29 fier 35 flud 36 foorth, furth............ 22 fourtie 42 frend 5 fro 56 gat(te 84 geate 11,31,84 Page gene, giue ............ 31,84 gost 62 hard (pp.) 14 haruest 14 heerd 14 heigth 36 1 Helyas 64 hir 75 hote 20 hundreth 58 inglyshe 5 kiendled *6> 17 \ kinreds 57 leat(e 11 > 33 le(a)uen H lest (=least) 8 letany • 16 lit(t)le 16> 35 maister 3> manslear 4" mark ...........•«•••♦• marter 48 Mathias,Mathie, Matthewe 57 Mattens 48 mealte 5, 83 12 measure J ^ middest 57 35 mier «f Monday. 37 mo(e 80 moneth 37 more 80 morne, mourne.......... 3" murder, murther 58 nether, neither .......... 32 of, off 57 Fage thjomely 64 other 77 parel, peril 13 partener(s • • • • 4> 52 peril I3 pietie 16,17 ■ ■ 48 pigwn *° pleasure 12 plenteousnes ............ 49 poinct 61 preased 5, 6 preist • • • • 'y prieson • 16,17 prieuily • • • • H>,17 primatiue • 4" printe • 5 read, redde 8 realm 8 rent 87 Sainct 61 Soloman 1 sence ...........••>•••• 1° shall (thou 95 shead 8 shep(e)herd 5 shower 39 shylde, shilde 29 19 sirname 1 * sixt 57,81 slea 85 solempnise ...........«•♦ 58 O) 1 soncke. OJ j song 83 | souldier 42 sprang, sprong 83 19 steare stede 10 sikken 87 Page stiere 19 streght 40 striefe 35 suertie. 41 sware 85 sweat 6* sweord, swerde .......... 23 swet 29 than 1 theim 75 then 1 ther- 34,51 th(o)rough(e, throwly, etc. 63 throne.................. 57 tread .................. 11 treasure ................ 12 -thursty 18 waye (v.) 39 weapon 8 weaxe 5, 6, 86 Page weomen 17 weork 25 werf e 89 wete .................. 89 whan .................. 1 wher- 34, 51 wist , 89,91 wold 89 woord ................ 24 woork ................ 25 world .................. 26 worse .................. 27 worship ................ 27 worth 27 worthy ................ 27 wotfe 89,90 y> y, y 58 ye(a)rth 14,15 yoke .................. 20 ypocrites .............. 64 ysope 64 INDEX OF DIALECT FEATURES. Kentish 15 Mercian, Kentish 18 Northern 17, 20, 30, 44 (2) Northern, Nprth-Western .............................. 38 Saxon 29 South-Eastern 20, 35 South-Western or Western .............................. 42 South-Western 15 Western, West-Saxon, Northern ........................ 24 West-Midland 15, 26 Western 34 The author will be pleased to supply on application full reference as to page and line, in the case of those forms of which such reference is not given in the present work. STELLINGEN. 1. In quoting mourn, mourning and sword as having short u in OE., which became lengthened to u: in ME. or eMoE., Wright is wrong. (An Elementary Historical New English Grammar by J. Wright and E. M. Wright. Oxford University Press. 1924. § 127). 2. In placing the development of a in au ar in the late 16th c or early 17th c, Wright is wrong. (ibid. § 126). 3. It is to be assumed on*several grounds that Aelfric's Lives of the Saints and his Translations from the Old Testament, were written at the same time. 4. In de zin "The office of signs in creating reflection, foresight and recollection is passed by." (Experience and Nature, by John Dewey. Chicago: London, Open Court Publishing Company, 1926. p. 169) moet creating niet worden opgevat als een tegenwoordig deelwoord doch als een gerund en de woorden reflection, foresight and recollection ah object bij dit g e r und. 5. In de zin "Essence, as has been intimated, is but a pronounced instance of meaning ; to be partial, and to assign a meaning to a thing as the meaning is but to evince human subjection to bias." (ibid. p. 182), is het woord partial op te vatten als biased. 6. It should be borne in mind that Jespersen's remarks about the abstract nature of Modern English and 'modern languages' in general, refer to the instrument, not to the contents of language. (Progress in Language. London, Swan, Sonnenschein & Co., 1894. Section 33 and generally Chapter II, and : Language, its Nature, Development and Origin. London, Allen & Unwin, 1922 Chapter XVIII, § 14). 7. English style is tentative and suggestive (atmospheric), rather than direct and precisely descriptive. 8. Kruisinga wrongly classifies the word head in twenty head af cattle as a 'numerative' with pair in two pair of scissors. (A Handbook of Present-Day English, by E. Kruisinga. Part II, Sections 818-824, especially 823. Fifth Edition. Groningen, P. Noordhoff. 1932.) 9. In Section 823 ibid., Kruisinga wrongly groups the meaning of pair in a pair of skis with that in a pair of scissors, instead of grouping it with a pair of gloves. (Note to Section 819). 10. The terms Complex Plain Stem (Kruisinga ibid. 202), Passive Stem, Progressive Stem, and Perfect Stem (An English Grammar for Dutch Students, by E. Kruisinga. Vol. Lsections 328-330. Fifth Edition. Groningen, P. Noordhoff. 1932), show that Kruisinga's attempt at basing grammatical terminology on purely formal distinctions, is a failure. 11. The 'broad' phonetic transcription of the "Association Phonétique Internationale" used by Professor D. Jones in his 'English Pronouncing Dictionary' (London, J. M. Dent & Sons ^ Ltd, 1926) and in his 'Outline of English Phonetics' (3rd edition, Cambridge, Heffer & Sons, 1932), is still the most adequate phonetic transcription of English for ordinary purposes. 12. The scientific study of synonymy should be based on a differentiation between the referential (symbolic) meaning, its connotations, the contextual suggestion, and the affective (emotive), the sonoric, the rhythmic and the metrical value of words. 13. Ogden and Richards's statement that "as may be reasonably supposed, rhythms and especially metres have to a small degree an hypnotic effect" (The Meaning of Meaning, by C. K. Ogden, M. A. and I. A. Richards, M. A., London, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., Ltd, 1923. p. 377), is in contradiction with their explanation of "states of aesthetic contemplation", in which, as they rightly maintain "we are open to a more diffused and more heterogeous stimulation" (pp. 267-8), and ignores the fundamental difference between hypnotic states and such states of aesthetic contemplation. 14. The study of the influence of French idioms and syntactic groups on English deserves closer attention. 15. Het is wenschelijk dat het volgen van colleges in de Wijsbegeerte gedurende een of meer der eerste studiejaren, verplicht gesteld worde voor alle studenten. Hierbij worde niet slechts de Westersche doch ook de Oostersche wijsbegeerte betrokken. 16. De bestaande kloof tusschen wijsbegeerte en maatschappij is voor beide noodlottig. 17. Bij het onderwijs in de vreemde talen is het wenschelijk, dat de beheersching van het grammatisch apparaat, de kennis van het idioom en het (cursorisch) lezen afzonderlijk worden opgebouwd.

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