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GLADSTONE

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be upright, high-minded, brave, liberal, and true; but with all this, foreigners are too often sensible of something that galis1) them in his presence, and I apprehend it is because he has too great a tendency to self-esteem — too little disposition to regard the feelings, the habits, and the ideas of others. Sir, I find this characteristic too plainly legible in the policy of the noble Lord. I doubt not that use will be made of our present debate to work upon this peculiar weakness of the English mind. The people will be told that those who oppose the Motion are governed by personal motives, have no regard for public principle, no enlarged ideas of national policy. You will take your case before a favourable jury, and you think to gain your verdict; but, Sir, let the House of Commons be warned — let it wam itself — against all Ulusions. There is in this case also a course of appeal. There is an appeal, such as the hon. and learned Member for Sheffield had made, from the one House of Parliament to the other. There is a further appeal from this House of Parliament to the people of England, but, lastly, there is also an appeal from the people of England to the general sentiment of the civilized world; and f, for my part, am of opinion that England will stand shorn of a chief part of her glory and her pride if she shall be found to have separated herself, through the policy she pursues abroad, from the moral supports which the general and fixed convictions of mankind afford — if the day shall come in which she may continue to excite the wonder and the f ear of other nations, but in which she shall have no part in their affection and their regard.

No, Sir, let it not be so: let us recognize, and recognize with frankness, the equality of the weak with the strong; the principles of brotherhood among nations, and of their sacred independence. When we are asking for the maintenance of the

1. to gall: to vex, to annoy.

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