"The Thr*|>iuii *a\s he J* leading man In a rr»i**l of TncV Tom'» Cabin."" "\>s. lie lead* thr bloodhound* in thr *trort paradt»."—Kansas Citj Journal. ...
Auteursrecht onbekend. Het zou kunnen dat nog auteursrecht rust op (delen van) dit object.
- De Volksstem
- The Heyrman Pub. Co
- Plaats van uitgave
- De Pere, Brown, Wisconsin
- Periode gedigitaliseerd
- Verenigde Staten
- Roosevelt Study Center
- Toegevoegd in Delpher
It is clear that corporations created Mr quasi public purposes, clothed for that reason with the ultimate power of the state to take private property against the will of the owner. hold their corporate powers as carriers in trust for the fairly impartial service of all the public." Favoritism in the use of such powers, unjustly enriching some nnd unjustlv impoverishing others, discriminating in favor of som* places and against others, is palpably violative of plain principles of justice. Such a practice unchecked is hurtful in many ways. Congress, having had its attention drawn to the matter, enacted a most important anti-rebate law. which greatly strengthens the interstatecommerce law. This new law prohibits under adequate penalties the giving and as well the demanding or receiving of such preferences, and provides the preventive remedy of injunction. The vigorous administration of this law. and it will be enforced. will, it is hoped, afford a substantial remedy for certain trust evik which have attracted public attention and have created public unrest. This law represents a noteworthy and important advance t<*- ward just and effective regulation of transportation.
All of this represents a great and substantial advance in legislation But more important even than legislation is the administration of the law, and I ask your attention for a moment to the way in which the law has teen administered by the. profound jurist and fearless public servant who novy occupies the position of attorney general, Mr. Knox. The constitution enjoins upon the president that he shall take care that the law* be faithfully executed, and under this provision the attorney general formulated a policy which was in effect nothing but the rigid enforcement, by suits' managed with consummate skill and ability, both of the anti-trust law and of the imperfect provisions of the act to regulate commerce. The first step taken was the prosecution of 14 suits against the principal railroads of the middle west, restraining them by injunction from further violations of either of the lnws in question. About the same time the case against the Northern Securities company was initiated. This was a corporation organized under.the laws of the state of New Jersey with a capital of $400.000.000. the alleged purpose being to control the Great Northern and the Northern Pacific railroad companies, two parallel and competing lines extending across the northern tier of states from the Mississippi river to the Pacific ocean. Whatever the purpose its consummation would have resulted in the control of the two great railway systems upon which the 'people of the northwestern states were so largely dependent for their supplies and to get their products to market being practically merged into the New Jersey corporation. The proposition that these Independent systems of railroads should be merged under n single control alarmed the people of Ihe states concerned, lest they be subjected to what they deemed a monopoly of interstate transportation and the suppression of competition. The governors of the' states most deeply affected held a nveeting to consider how to prevent the merger becoming effective and passed resolutions calling upon the national government to enforce the anti-trust laws against the alleged combination. When these resolutions were referred to the attorney general for consideration and advice, he reported that in his opinion the Northern Serurities company nnd its control of the railroads mentioned was a combination in restraint of trade and was attempting a monopoly in violation of the national anti-trust law. Thereupon a suit in equity, which is now pending, was begun by the government to test the validity of this transaction under the Sherman law. At nearly the same time the disclosures respecting the secret rebates enjoyed by the great packing house companies, coupled with the very high price of meats, led the attorney sreneral to direct an investigation intc the methods of the so-called beef trust. The result was that he filed bills for injunction against six of the principal packing house companies, nnd restrained them from combining nnd agreeing upon prices at which they would sell their products in states other than those in which their meats were prepared for market. Writs of injunction were Issued accordingly, ami since then, after full argument, the United States circuit court lias made the injunction perpetual. The cotton interests of the south, including growers, buyers and shippers. made complaint that they were so (Tering great in jury in their business from the methods of the southern railroads in the handling and transportation of cotton. They alleged that these railroads, by combined action under n pooling nrrangemer.t tn support their rate sched'.i!esvhad denied to the shippers the right to elect over what roads their commodities should be shipped, and that by dividing upon a fixed basis the cotton crop of the sotith all inducement to e.onpete in rates for the transportation thereof was eliminated. Proceedings were instituted by the attorney general Tinder the anti-trust law. which resulted in the destruction of the pool and in restoring to the growers and shippers of the south the right to ship their products over any road tbev elected, thus removing the restraint upon the freedom of commerce. A ?nt>«tnntlnl Achievement. The nbove is a brief outline of the most important steps, legislative and administrative, taken during the past IS months in the direction of solving, so far as at present it seems practicable by national legislation or administration to solve, what we call the trust problem. They represent a sum of very substantial achievement. Not only is the legislation recently enacted effective, but in my judgment It was impracticable to attempt more. Nothing of value is to be expected from ceaseless agitation for radical nnd extreme legislation. Should He lteiiulated. Many of the alleged remedies advocated are of the unpleasantly drastic type which seeks to destroy the disease by killing the patient. Others are so obviously futile that it Is somewhat difficult to treat them seriously or as being advanced in go«nl faith. High among the latter I place the effort to reach the trust question by means of the tariff. Von can. of course, pnt an end to the prosperity of the trusts by putting sn end to the prosperity of the nat'on: but the price for such action seems high. The alternative Is to do exactly what has been done during the life of the congress which has just closed—that is, to endeavor, not to destroy corporations, but to regnlate them with n view of doing away with whatever is of evil in them and of making them subserve the publio use.
In its wisdom congress enacted the very important law providing n department of commerce and labor, and further providing therein under the secretary of commerce and labor fot a commissioner of corporations charged with «lie duty of supervision of and of making intelligent investigation into the organization and conduet of corporations engaged in interstate commerce. Ilis powers to expose illegal or hurtful practices nnd to obtain all information needful fot the purposes of further intelligent legislation seem adequate; nnd the publicity justifiable and proper fot public purposes is satisfactorily guaranteed. Those who are intrusted with the administration of the new law will assuredly administer it in a spirit of absolute fairness and justice nnd of entire fearlessness, with the firm purpose not to hurt any corporation doing a legitimate business —on the contrary to help it—and, or the other hand, not to spare any corporation which may be guilty of ilb g:il practices, or the methods ol which may make it a menace to the public welfare. lint much though this is. it is only a part of what litis been done in the effort to ascertain and correct improper trust or monopolistic practices. Some H months ago the industrial commission, nn able and nonpartisan body, reported to congress the result of their investigation of trusts and industrial combinations. One of the most important of their conclusions was that discriminations in freight rates and facilities were granted favored shippers by the railroad» and that these discriminations clearly tended toward the control of production and prices in many fields of business by large combinations.
The President's Views on the Principle of Protection. Speaks of Qaestloa of Revision la General and la Specific Inatances —Amendment of the Cuban anil I'hlllpplae Schedules. 1 Delivered at Minneapolis. April 4.] My Fellow-Citizens: At the spcial session of the senate held in March the Cuban reciprocity treaty was ratified. When this treaty goes into effect, it will confer substantial economic benefits alike upon Cuba, because of the widening of her market in the United States, and upon the United States, because of the equal widening and the progressive control it will give to our people in the Cuban market, lu the first place we offer to Cuba hermatural market. We can confer upon her a benefit which no. other nation can confer; and for the very reason that we have started her us an independent republic and that we are rich, prosperous and powerful, it behooves us to stretch-out a helping hand to our feebler younger sister. In the next place it widens the market for our products, both the products o,f the farm and certain of our manufactures; and it is therefore in the interests of our farmers, merchants and wage-workers. Finally the treaty was not merely warranted but demanded, apart from all other considerations, by the enlightened consideration of our foreign policy. More and more In the future we must occupy a preponderant position in the waters and along the coasts in the region south of us; not a position of control over the republics of the south, but of control of the military situation, so as avoid any possible complications in the future. Under the riatt amendment Cuba agreed to give us certain naval stations on her const. The navy department decided that we needed but two, and we have specified where these two are to be. President Palma has concluded an agreement giving them to us—an agreement which the Cuban legislative body will doubtless soon ratify. Equally important was the action on the tariff upon products of the Philippines. We gave them a reduction of 25 per cent., and would have given them a reduction of 23 per cent, more had it not been for the opposition. in the hurried closing days of the la*t session, of certain gentlemen who, by the way, have been representing themselves both as peculiarly solicitous for the interests of the Philippine people and as special champions of the lowering of tariff duties. The present phenomenal prosperity has been won under a tariff which was made in accordance with certain fixed nnd definite principles, the most important of which is nn avowed determination to protect the interests of the American producer, business man, wage-worker and farmer alike. The general tariff policy, to which, without regard to changes in detail, I believe this country is irrevocably committed, is fundamentally based upon ample recognition of the difference between the cost of production — that is, the cost of labor—here and abroad, and of the need to see to it that our laws shall in no event afford advantage in our own market to foreign industries over American industries, to foreign capital over American capital, to foreign labor over cur own labor. It is, of course, a mere truism to sav that we want to use everything in our power to foster welfare of our entire body politic. In other words, we need to treat the tariff as a business proposition, from the standpoint of the interests of the country as a whole, nnd not with reference to the temporary needs of any political party. It is almost as necessary that our policy should be stnble ns that it should be wise. A nation like ours could not long stand the ruinous policy of readjusting its business to radical changes in» the tariff at short intervals. In making any readjustment there are certain important considerations which cannot be disregarded. If a tariff law has on the whole worked well, nnd if business has prospered under it und is prospering, it may be better to endure some Inconveniences and inequalities for n time than by making ehnnpes to risk causing disturbances and perhaps paralysis in the Industries and business of the country. One point we mnst steadily keep in mind. The question of tnriff revision. speaking broadly, stands wholly apart from the question of dealing with the trusts. No change in tariff duties can have any substantial effect in solving the so-called trust problem. Certain great trusts or fireat corporations are wholly unaffected by the tariff. Practically all ♦he others that are, of any importance have a« n matter of fact numbers of smaller American competitors; and of course a change in the tariff which would work injury to the large corporation would work not merely injury but destruction to Its smaller competitors: and equally of course such a change would mean disaster to all the wage-workers connected with either the large i** the small corporations. We have prospered tnarvelously at home. As a nation we stand in the very forefront in the giant International industrial competition of the day. We cannot afford by any fréak of folly to forfeit the position fo which w« have thus triumphantly 11- ttiaed.
President Roosevelt Discusses Principle and What It Involves. Bearln* oa the Panama Canal- Explains Attitude Tunard the Veaesaelan Affair — trier* ClaJma ot the \m\y. This Is why tin- I'nited States has steadily believed that the construction of the great Isthmian canal, the building of which is to Hand- as the greatest material feat of the twentieth century«-grenter than any similar feat in any preceding century— should be done by no foreign nation' but by ourselves. The canal must of necessity go through the territory «if one of our smaller ► lstcr republics. We have been scrupulously careful to abstain from perpetrating liny wrong upon any of these republics in the matter. We ilo not wish to interfere with their rights in the least; but, while carefully safeguarding them, to build the canal ourselves under provisions which will enable us. If necessary, to police and protect It, and to guarantee its neutrality, xve being the sole guarantor. Our Intention was steadfast; we desired action taken so that the canal could always be used by us in time of peace and war alike, and in time of war could never be Used to our detriment by any nation which was hostile to lis. Such action, by the circumstances surrounding it. was necessarily for Hie benefit and not the detriment of the adjacent American republics. After considerably more than half of a century these objects have been exactly fulfilled by the legislation mid treaties of the last two venrs. I'KESIDCNT Tlli:ol>i>KK KOOSKVUI.T
This Is why tin- I'nited States has steadily believed that the construction of the great Isthmian canal, the building of which is to Hand- as the greatest material feat of the twentieth century«-grenter than any similar feat in any preceding century— should be done by no foreign nation' but by ourselves. The canal must of necessity go through the territory «if one of our smaller ► lstcr republics. We have been scrupulously careful to abstain from perpetrating liny wrong upon any of these republics in the matter. We ilo not wish to interfere with their rights in the least; but, while carefully safeguarding them, to build the canal ourselves under provisions which will enable us. If necessary, to police and protect It, and to guarantee its neutrality, xve being the sole guarantor. Our Intention was steadfast; we desired action taken so that the canal could always be used by us in time of peace and war alike, and in time of war could never be Used to our detriment by any nation which was hostile to lis. Such action, by the circumstances surrounding it. was necessarily for Hie benefit and not the detriment of the adjacent American republics. After considerably more than half of a century these objects have been exactly fulfilled by the legislation mid treaties of the last two venrs.
I'KESIDCNT Tlli:ol>i>KK KOOSKVUI.T
Two jcur» upo we were no further advanced toward the construction of tbr isthmian canal on our term* than we hml been during! he precedinp eighty years. I!y the llay-l'iiuncefote treaty, ratified in IVrfiultrr, 11(01. an old treaty with (ileal Itritain which bud hern held to stand in the way, win abrogated. and it was agreed that the canal should !>«■ eonstrueted under the ««spiers of the povcrnment of the United Statis, and that this povern% nient should lime the exclusive ripht lo rcpulate and tnatuipr it. liecominp the sole guarantor of its- neutrality. It was expressly stipulated, further» ïkiore, that this guaranty of neutrality should not pre»» ut the I'nited Staten front taking any measure* whieh It '• found necessary in onVr to secure by ItH own forces the defense of the l'niu d Ftate» and the niainteiiancc of public order.. Immediately following "»:s treaty conpress passed a law under which the president was authorized to endeavor to secure a treaty for acquiring the ripht to finish the construction of, ar.d to ojn-rate. the Pnuamu canal, which had already been liepiin in the territory of Colombia by u French rotnpanv. The rights of this company were accord in ply obtained, and n treaty wan negotiated with the llepublicof Colotnbin. This treaty ha* just been ratified by it he senate, it reserves all of ColoiuhiuV ripht*, while puarantecinp ■II of our own utid those of neutral nation*. and specifically permits us to take any and all measure» for the defense of the canal, and for the preservation of our interest.», whenever in our jndgment an exipency may arise which Calls for action on onr part. •In.other word», these two treaties, and tli« legislation lo carry theu» vu:, v*-:> v, •*. • -
have resulted in our obtaining on ex actly the terms we desired the rights and privileges which we hatl so long »ought in vain. These treaties are among the most important that we have ever negotiated in their effects upon the future welfare of this country, and mark a memorable triumph of American diplomacy—one of those fortunate triumphs, moreover, which redounds to the benefit of the entire world. The Venezuelan Affair. About the name time trouble' arose In connection with the republic of Venezuela because of certain wrongs alleged to have been committed, and debts overdue, by this repubfcc to citizens of various foreign powers, notably Kngland. C.ertnany and Italy. After failure to reach an agreement these power* began n blockade of the Venezuelan coast and a condition of quasi-war ensued. The concern of our government was of course not to interfere needlessly in any quarrel s<> far a* it did not touch our interests or riiir honor, and not to take the attitude of protecting froin coercion any power unless we were willing to espouse the quarrel of that power, but to keep an attitude of watchful vigilance nnd see that there was no infringement of the Monroe doctrine—no acquirement of territorial rights by a Kuropean power at the rxpcn*£ of a weak sister republic— whether this acquisition might take the shape of an outright and avowed seizure of territory or of the exercise of control which would In Vitrei lie equivalent to smOi seizure. At the same time, the existence of hostilities in a region so near our own borders was fraught with such possibilities of danger in the future that it was ob\iously no less our duty U ourselves than our duty to humanity to endeavor to put an end to that. Accordingly, bv an offer of our good servieis in a spirit of frnnk friendliness to all the parties concerned, a spirit in which they quickly and cordially responded, we secured a resumption of peace — the contending parties agreeing that the matters which they could not settle among themselves should be referred to The Hague tribunal for settlement. The I'nited Suites find most fortunately already bc« n able to set an example to ot her nat ions bv ut illzing t he great possibillties for good contained in The. Hague tribunal. n question nt issue l>ctwien ourselves and the lb-public of Mcxieo being the (li st submitted to this itit• mat ion.nl court of arbitration. The terms which we have secured as those under which the Isthmian canal is to be built, and the course of events In the Venezuela matter, have shown not merely the ever growing influence of the I'nited States In the western hemisphere, but also. I think I may safely say, have exemplified the firm purpose of the I'nited Stales that its growth nnd influence and power shall redound not to the barm but to the benefit of our sister republics whose strength Is less. Our prow lh, therefore, is beneficial to kind in general. We do not intend to assume tiny position which can give just offense to our neighbors. Our adherence to the rule of human right is not merely profession. The history of our dealings Willi Cuba shows that we reduce it to performance. triim
President Roosevelt Delivers Address Reviewing the Problem. Pablleltf to lie Dronikt Aboat Through Sew Department of Com* merer and l.abor—Salt* Prosecuted bj the Government. (Address delivered at Milwaukee, April t 1903.) Mr. Toast master, Gentlemen: I think 1 «peak for' the great majority of the American p-ople when I »ay that we are not in the least against wealth us such, whether individual or corporate; that we merely desire to see any abut>e of corporate or combined wealth corrected and remedied; that we do not desire the abolition or destruction of big corporations, but, on the contrary, ieeognize them as being in many case» elllcient economic instrument*, the results c.2 an inevitable process of economic evolution, and only desire to see them regulated and controlled so far as may be necessary to subserve the public good. We should be false to the historic principles of our government if we discriminated, either by legislation or administration, either for or against a man be
On "The Wage-Worker and the Tiller of the SoiL" j.. Itoo«rvelt Sprak* of the I*art That Can Be and la Hein» IM»re4 by the National Government in Their Ilehalf. (Delivered at Sioux Fulls, S. D., April 0.1 Fellow-Citizens: There are man}-, many lesser problems which go to make up in their entirety the huge and complex problems of our modern industrial life. Each of these problems is, moreover, connected vfith many of tüe others. Few indeed are simple or ütand only by themselves. The most important are those connected with tae relatipn of Khe farmers, the stork growers and soil tillers, to the community at large, and those affecting the relations between employer and employed. In a country like ours it is fundamentally true that the well-being of the . tiller of the soil and the wage-worker is the well-being of the state. If they are well off. then we need concern ourselves but little as to how other classes stand, for tbey will inevitably be well off, too; und, on the trther hand, there ran he no real prosperity unless based on the foundation of the prosperity of the wage-worker and the tiller of the soil. Hut the needs of these two classes ere often not the same. The tiller of llie soil has been of all our citizens - the one on the whole the least af- . fected in nis ways of life and methods of industry by the giant industrial changes of the last half century. There has been a change with him, too, of course. He also can work /to best advantage If he keeps in clijU* touch with his fellows; and the success of the national department of agriculture has shown how much can be done for him by rational action of the government. Ther.e are a number of very important questions, such as tVat of good roads, with which the states alone can deal, and where all that the national government can do is to cooperate with them. The same is true of_the education of the American i" farmer. A number of the states have themselves started to help in this work, nnd the department of agriculture does an immense amount which is in the proper sense of the word educational, and educational in the most practical way. But the wage-workers in our cities, like the capitalists in our cities, face * totally changed conditions. The development of machinery nnd the extraordinary change in business conditions have rendered the employment of capital and of persons In large aggregations not merely profitable often necessary for success, and specialized the labor of the wagevorker r.t the same time that they have brought .great aggregations of wage-workers together. More and more in our great industrial centers men have come to realize that they cannot live as independently of" one another as in the old days was thq case everywhere, and as is now the case in the country districts. Very much of our effort in reference to labor matters should be by every device and expedient to try to secure a constantly better understanding between employer and employe. If met with sincere desire to net fairly by one another. ar)d if there is, furthermore, power by each to_ appreciate the other's standpoint, the chance for trouble is minimized. A conciliation committee can do best work when the trouble is in its bepinning. or at least has not com© to a head. Whtn we deal with such a subject we are fortunate in having before ■ us an admirable object lesson in the ■ work that has just been closrd by thrt anthracite coal strike commission.' This was the commission which was appointed last fall at the time when the coal stride in the anthracite regions threatened our nation with a disaster second to none which has befallen us since the days of the civil war. Their report was made just before the Senate adjourned at the • special session; and no government document of recent years marks A more important piece of work better done, and there is none which teaches sounder social morality to our people. The immediate effect of this rommlssion's appointment and action was of vast and incalculable benefit to the nation; but the ultimate effect will be even better, if capitalist. wage-worker and lawmaker alike will take to heart and act upon the lessons set forth in the report they have made. In the field of general legislation relating to labor subjects the of congress Is necessarily limited.' Still there are certain ways in which we can act. Thus the secretary of the navy has recommended, witli i£y cordial and hearty approval, the enactment of a strong employers' liability law in the navy yards of the ration. Again, sometimes such laws can he enacted as an incident to the nation's control over Interstate commerce. In my last annual mes»acre to congress I advocated the passage of a law in reference to car couplings to strengthen the features of the one already on the statute books, so as to minimize the exposure to death and maiming of railway employes. Much opposition had to be overcome. in the end an admirable law was passed "to promote the safety of employe# nnd travelers upon railroads." This law received my-signature a couple of days before congress adjourned. It represents a real and substantial advance in an admirable kind of le*U- i lation. _*jU